{"id":13815,"date":"2017-07-21T23:31:38","date_gmt":"2017-07-21T22:31:38","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=13815"},"modified":"2017-11-10T01:24:31","modified_gmt":"2017-11-10T01:24:31","slug":"mosbetimi-i-ilir-metes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/mosbetimi-i-ilir-metes\/","title":{"rendered":"(MOS)BETIMI I ILIR MET\u00cbS"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" Av. XHABIR ZEJNUNI<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrmbajtja. 1. Dilem\u00eb (para)post elektorale! 2. Meta pengohet p\u00ebr t\u2019u betuar me 24 korrik. 2.1. Kuorumi pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs i nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr betimin e Presidentit. 2.2. Seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme apo e zakonshme? 2.3. Llojet e seancave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. 2.4. Problemet q\u00eb krijohen me Met\u00ebn e pabetuar si President, por si zevend\u00ebsues t\u00eb Presidentit. 2.5. Gjendje e jasht\u00ebzakonshme lufte. 2. 6. Problemet q\u00eb krijohen pa President. 2.7. Zgjedhja e Kryeministrit. 2.8. Mbledhja e Kuvendit t\u00eb Ri pa President n\u00eb detyr\u00eb. 2.9. Nishani BIS?! 2. 10. Investimi i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese. 2.11. Respekt kushtetues dhe ligjor. 2.12. Jehona e (mos)betimit.<\/p>\n

1. Dilem\u00eb (para)post elektorale!<\/strong>
\nIlir Meta i zgjedhur President nga Kuvendi me 28 prill, do b\u00ebj\u00eb betimin me 24 korrik. Duke qen\u00eb se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb musliman bektashi praktikant, kur t\u00eb betohet, do shtoj\u00eb edhe fraz\u00ebn e parashikuar nga Kushtetuta tek neni 88, par. 3: \u201cAllahu m\u00eb ndihmoft\u00eb\u201d. Me dor\u00eb mbi Kur\u2019An. Mbase edhe mbi Bib\u00ebl p\u00ebr hat\u00ebr t\u00eb Zonj\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb kristiane praktikante.
\nPor.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e l\u00ebn\u00eb popullin \u201csovran\u201d pa \u201cp\u00ebrtypur\u201d politik\u00eb edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb stin\u00eb kaq t\u00eb nxeht\u00eb, n\u00eb tregun mediatik dhe politik \u00ebsht\u00eb hedhur p\u00ebr \u201ckonsum\u201d problemi i (MOS)BETIMIT si President i zgjedhur t\u00eb Ilir Met\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Gjithkush po kontribuon n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast.<\/strong>
\nPas fitores s\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb 25 qershorit, Rama i kujtoi Met\u00ebs se \u201cMori votat p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb President konsensual dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb mbi pal\u00ebt\u201d dhe vazhdoi \u201cMeta reflekto, riparo d\u00ebmin, t\u00eb votuam si President konsensual dhe jo konfliktual\u201d. Cili ishte D\u00cbMI i MADH q\u00eb shkaktoi Meta, duke mos qen\u00eb akoma President? Pasi n\u00ebse pranohet se Meta ka vepruar n\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e Presidentit, at\u00ebher\u00eb do thot\u00eb se ne paskemi DY president\u00eb: Nishanin dhe Met\u00ebn. Antikushtetuese dhe qesharake kjo situat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sipas Ram\u00ebs, Meta nuk duhej t\u00eb b\u00ebnte fushat\u00ebn elektorale, ose t\u00eb mbrohej kur aleanca PS+PD gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs elektorale b\u00ebnte shkaktare kryesore t\u00eb keqqeverisjes 4 vje\u00e7are, vet\u00ebm LSI-n\u00eb me n\u00eb krye Met\u00ebn. Dhe reagimi duhej pritur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast. Mbase Met\u00ebn edhe e provokuan m\u00eb shum\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ai t\u00eb reagonte, p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur si rrjedhoj\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb justifikimin p\u00ebr t\u2019i penguar atij betimin si President me 24 korrik. Dhe po nuk u realizua kjo, at\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohej m\u00eb von\u00eb shkarkimi i tij nga posti i Presidentit.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, jan\u00eb hedhur teza dhe hipoteza t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb lidhje me (mos)betimin e Met\u00ebs.
\nMadje ndonj\u00eb k\u00ebshilltar \u201cbrilant\u201d i matan\u00eb kufirit i Kryeministrit(BIS) Rama, (i \u201ck\u00ebshilluar\u201d edhe ai vet\u00eb mbase nga i k\u00ebshilluari i tij!) e b\u00ebn fakt t\u00eb kryer MOS betimin e Met\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Edhe para fushat\u00ebs elektorale, ndonj\u00eb politikan opozitar i or\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit dhe deputet i em\u00ebruar nat\u00ebn von\u00eb, e \u201cfolklorizoi\u201d paksa fushat\u00ebn elektotale, kur hodhi tez\u00ebn e mos betimit t\u00eb Met\u00ebs, duke u munduar t\u00eb gjej\u00eb justifikime kushtetuese, t\u00eb cilat habit\u00ebn shum\u00eb persona kur i lexuan ato, duke qen\u00eb se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe jurist!
\nN\u00eb lidhje me k\u00ebt\u00eb problem, ka disa variante dhe n\u00ebnvariante, me pasojat p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

1. Meta betohet me 24 korrik.
\n1.1. Meta fillon detyr\u00ebn e tij si President.
\n1.2. Tentohet shkarkimi i Met\u00ebs nga posti i Presidentit n\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebn e ardhshme. (Varianti i par\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb objekt diskutimi i k\u00ebtij shkrimi).
\n2. Meta pengohet p\u00ebr t\u2019u betuar me 24 korrik. Pasojat.<\/p>\n

2. Meta pengohet p\u00ebr t\u2019u betuar me 24 korrik.<\/strong>
\n2.1. Kuorumi pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs i nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr betimin e Presidentit.
\nKushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 88, par. 3, disponon se \u201cPresidenti fillon n\u00eb detyr\u00eb PASI b\u00ebn betimin para Kuvendit, por jo m\u00eb pare se t\u00eb ket\u00eb mbaruar mandati i Presidentit q\u00eb largohet\u2026.\u201d. Q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se sapo t\u00eb dor\u00ebzoj\u00eb mandatin Nishani, menj\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb betohet Meta, p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb detyr\u00ebn e Presidentit. Kjo dispozit\u00eb parashikon se betimi i Presidentit b\u00ebhet para Kuvendit, por nuk parashikon kuorumin e nevojsh\u00ebm t\u00eb prezenc\u00ebs s\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb Kuvend, mjafton t\u00eb paraqiten edhe m\u00eb pak se 71 deputet\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u2019i mund\u00ebsohet Met\u00ebs t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb betimin. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, Met\u00ebs mund t\u2019i mjaftojn\u00eb edhe 16 deputet\u00eb. T\u00eb LSI-s\u00eb!<\/p>\n

Ndokush i referohet Rregullores s\u00eb Kuvendit, e cila n\u00eb nenin 56, par 1, disponon se: \u201cP\u00ebrpara \u00e7do VOTIMI, drejtuesi i seanc\u00ebs plenare verifikon numrin e deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm n\u00eb sall\u00eb\u201d. Par. 2, vazhdon m\u00eb tej se: \u201cDrejtuesi i seanc\u00ebs, n\u00eb \u00e7do koh\u00eb, si dhe kur kjo k\u00ebrkohet nga t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 7 deputet\u00eb, verifikon n\u00ebse n\u00eb sall\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm numri i k\u00ebrkuar i deputet\u00ebve. K\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr verifikimin e numrit t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm shprehet me ngritjen n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuesve. P\u00ebr verifikimin e numrit t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve, drejtuesi i seanc\u00ebs b\u00ebn thirrjen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb elektronike ose nominale\u201d. Si\u00e7 shihet, neni 56 i referohet kuorumit t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsve n\u00eb VOTIM dhe jo n\u00eb BETIM. Nuk mund t\u00eb barazohet nj\u00eb term substancial (votimi) me nj\u00eb term formal (betimi). Askund nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar se p\u00ebr betimin duhen m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysma e deputet\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Me 24 korrik, nuk do kemi votim, por vet\u00ebm betim, i cili nuk k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb kuorum t\u00eb caktuar. Dhe duke mos pasur votim, at\u00ebher\u00eb nuk duhet (mund) t\u00eb ket\u00eb verifikim prezence n\u00eb sall\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa par. 3, disponon se \u201cKur mungon numri i k\u00ebrkuar i deputet\u00ebve p\u00ebr marrjen e vendimit, drejtuesi i seanc\u00ebs shtyn seanc\u00ebn p\u00ebr 60 minuta dhe n\u00eb rast se edhe pas k\u00ebsaj kohe nuk arrihet numri i k\u00ebrkuar, e anulon at\u00eb ….\u201d. N\u00eb rastin e betimit, nuk merret asnj\u00eb lloj vendimi, por vet\u00ebm asistohet. Si rrjedhoje, nuk ka pse t\u00eb verifikohet numri i deputet\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa neni 55, par. 1, (\u201cKuorumi dhe vendimmarrja n\u00eb seanc\u00eb plenare\u201d) disponon se \u201cLigjet, vendimet, deklaratat dhe rezolutat konsiderohen t\u00eb miratuara nga Kuvendi kur p\u00ebr to kan\u00eb votuar pro shumica e deputet\u00ebve, n\u00eb prani t\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysm\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kuvendit, me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb rasteve kur n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb parashikohet shumic\u00eb e cil\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr miratimin e tyre\u201d. Si\u00e7 shihet, edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nen, nuk p\u00ebrmendet betimi dhe kuorumi i nevojsh\u00ebm. Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se e logjikshme, duke qen\u00eb se betimi formal (dhe ceremonial) n\u00eb rastin Meta, pason zgjedhjen substanciale t\u00eb tij me dat\u00ebn 28 prill.<\/p>\n

Po ashtu, par. 3, disponon se \u201cDrejtuesi i seanc\u00ebs plenare, n\u00eb leximin e rendit t\u00eb dit\u00ebs, i njofton Kuvendit edhe shumic\u00ebn q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon miratimi i projektligjit ose i projektvendimit\u201d. Edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr shumic\u00eb t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr betim, por p\u00ebr projektligje apo projektvendime.<\/p>\n

2.2. Seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme apo e zakonshme?<\/strong>
\nKushtetuta tek neni 66, par. 4, disponon se \u201cKuvendi nuk mund t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb ligje gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs 60 dit\u00eb para mbarimit t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb tij deri n\u00eb mbledhjen e par\u00eb t\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb ri, me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb rasteve t\u00eb vendosjes s\u00eb masave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme\u201d. Kjo norm\u00eb, tregon shum\u00eb qart\u00eb se vet\u00ebm \u201cp\u00ebrpara masave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme\u201d, Kuvendi mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim p\u00ebr \u201ct\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb ligje gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs 60 dit\u00eb para mbarimit t\u00eb mandatit\u201d. Me 24 korrik (ose 45 para mbarimit t\u00eb mandatit) Kuvendi do mblidhet jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar ndonj\u00eb ligj emergjent, por vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb asistuar n\u00eb betimin e Met\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Kushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 84, par. 4, disponon se \u201cN\u00eb rastet e masave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, si dhe n\u00eb rast nevoje e urgjence, kur Kuvendi vendos me shumic\u00ebn e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve dhe Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs jep p\u00eblqimin, ligji hyn n\u00eb fuqi menj\u00ebher\u00eb, vet\u00ebm pasi t\u00eb jet\u00eb njoftuar publikisht. Ligji duhet t\u00eb botohet n\u00eb numrin m\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb Fletores Zyrtare\u201d. Nj\u00eb seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e till\u00eb se e em\u00ebrton Presidenti, por konsiderohet k\u00ebshtu jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb lidhje me koh\u00ebn kur ajo thirret, por edhe me objektin q\u00eb ajo trajton.<\/p>\n

Ka raste kur kjo seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme i ka t\u00eb dyja elementet: koh\u00ebn e thirrjes dhe objektin e trajtuar. Rasti i till\u00eb, ishte mbledhja e Kuvendit n\u00eb seanc\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme me dat\u00ebn 22 maj, p\u00ebr t\u00eb miratuar disa ndryshime ne Kodin Penal!
\nPor, ka raste kur kjo seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme nuk i ka t\u00eb dyja element\u00ebt: ka koh\u00ebn e thirrjes, por jo objektin e trajtuar. Me 17 qershor, u thirr seanca e jasht\u00ebzakonshme e Kuvendit p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar an\u00ebtaren e Komisionit AD HOC t\u00eb Vettingut Jorida Tabakun (e cila lindi dy binjak\u00eb), me Gerti Bogdanin. Nuk dihej m\u00eb par\u00eb se Jorida Tabaku ishte shtatz\u00ebn\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb mos caktohej n\u00eb Komisionin ad hoc t\u00eb Vettingut me 22 maj, p\u00ebr t\u2019u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar m\u00eb von\u00eb?!<\/p>\n

Po ashtu, kur seanca thirret gjat\u00eb punimeve normale t\u00eb Kuvendit, p\u00ebr votimin e nj\u00eb ligji emergjent, at\u00ebher\u00eb ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr objektin q\u00eb trajton, por jo p\u00ebr koh\u00ebn kur ajo thirret.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, seanca mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr koh\u00ebn kur thirret, por jo p\u00ebr objektin q\u00eb ajo trajton. Si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i betimit t\u00eb Met\u00ebs. Ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast kjo seanc\u00eb do jet\u00eb e posa\u00e7me.<\/p>\n

Me 24 korrik 2012, kur u betua Nishani (me 16 qershor ai u zgjodh President), seanca ishte e zakonshme (e posa\u00e7me), pasi ishte thirrur gjat\u00eb punimeve normale t\u00eb Kuvendit.<\/p>\n

Kushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 74, par. 1, parashikon se \u201cKuvendi i zhvillon punimet vjetore n\u00eb dy sesione. Sesioni i par\u00eb fillon t\u00eb h\u00ebn\u00ebn e tret\u00eb t\u00eb janarit dhe sesioni i dyt\u00eb t\u00eb h\u00ebn\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb shtatorit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa Rregullorja e Kuvendit, tek neni 42, par. 1, (\u201cSesionet e punimeve t\u00eb Kuvendit\u201d) parashikon se \u201cKuvendi i zhvillon punimet vjetore n\u00eb dy sesione. Sesioni i par\u00eb i punimeve t\u00eb Kuvendit fillon t\u00eb h\u00ebn\u00ebn e tret\u00eb t\u00eb janarit, nd\u00ebrsa sesioni i dyt\u00eb t\u00eb h\u00ebn\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb shtatorit. Data e mbarimit t\u00eb sesionit dhe ora e fillimit t\u00eb sesionit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb punimeve t\u00eb Kuvendit njoftohen nga Kryetari i Kuvendit. Fillimi i \u00e7do sesioni t\u00eb ri parlamentar b\u00ebhet me seanc\u00eb plenare t\u00eb Kuvendit\u201d. Nishani u zgjodh President me 11 qershor 2012 (Vendimi Nr. 23\/2012). Nd\u00ebrsa njoftimi p\u00ebr betimin e Nishanit, u b\u00eb i ditur nga kryetarja e Kuvendit, Jozefina Topalli me 19 korrik 2012, e cila deklaroi: \u201c\u2026Ju b\u00ebj me dijeni se t\u00eb mart\u00ebn me 24 korrik n\u00eb or\u00ebn 18:30, sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs, do t\u00eb zhvillohet seanca e betimit t\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs\u201d. K\u00ebshtu, mjaftoi nj\u00eb njoftim formal, q\u00eb deputet\u00ebt t\u00eb ishin prezent me dat\u00ebn 24 korrik n\u00eb ceremonin\u00eb e betimit t\u00eb Nishanit. Dhe nuk u thirr asnj\u00eb seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme!<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin e betimit t\u00eb Nishanit me 24 korrik 2012, u b\u00eb nj\u00eb seanc\u00eb e posa\u00e7me, p\u00ebr arsyen e thjesht\u00eb se Kuvendi po zhvillonte normalisht punimet. Pas 24 korrikut, Kuvendi mbylli punimet e sesionit t\u00eb par\u00eb. N\u00eb ceremonin\u00eb e betimit t\u00eb Nishanit, mor\u00ebn pjes\u00eb edhe socialist\u00ebt me n\u00eb krye Ram\u00ebn
\nPar. 2, vijon se \u201cKuvendi thirret n\u00eb sesion t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm me k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb motivuar me shkrim t\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs, t\u00eb Kryeministrit ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nj\u00eb t\u00eb pest\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. Kryetari th\u00ebrret mbledhjen e Kuvendit jo m\u00eb von\u00eb se 3 dit\u00eb nga paraqitja e k\u00ebrkes\u00ebs, mbi baz\u00ebn e nj\u00eb rendi dite t\u00eb mbledhjeve t\u00eb komisioneve dhe t\u00eb seanc\u00ebs plenare t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar prej tij\u201d. N\u00eb rastin e betimit t\u00eb Met\u00ebs, i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb betimi i tij, por thirrja e Kuvendit duke qen\u00eb se legjislatura ka mbyllur punimet me 4 maj. Por, n\u00ebse nuk do ishte mbyllur legjislatura, at\u00ebher\u00eb kjo seanc\u00eb do kishte qen\u00eb e zakonshme, ashtu si\u00e7 ka qen\u00eb edhe m\u00eb par\u00eb ajo n\u00eb rastin e betimit t\u00eb president\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata jan\u00eb zgjedhur dhe kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb betimin gjat\u00eb vazhdimit normal t\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebs dhe jo n\u00eb fund t\u00eb saj, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i Met\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Duke qen\u00eb se n\u00eb rastin e Met\u00ebs, Kuvendi i ka mbyllur punimet me 4 maj, at\u00ebher\u00eb ky Kuvend mund t\u00eb aktivizohet p\u00ebr betimin e Met\u00ebs vet\u00ebm me an\u00ebn e mbledhjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme (formale) me 24 korrik t\u00eb thirrur nga Presidenti Nishani. E jasht\u00ebzakonshmja e k\u00ebsaj seance, ka lidhje vet\u00ebm me faktin e thirrjes q\u00eb ju b\u00ebhet deputet\u00ebv\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb prezent me dat\u00ebn 24 korrik, duke qen\u00eb se ka mbaruar legjislatura me 4 maj. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, kjo seanc\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb formalitet, duke qen\u00eb se nuk b\u00ebhet ndonj\u00eb votim i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs, por asistohet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb ceremonin\u00eb e betimit t\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb Ri. N\u00ebse nj\u00eb seanc\u00eb e till\u00eb thirret gati nj\u00eb muaj para betimit (ashtu si edhe n\u00eb rastet e tjera), kjo ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb edhe me faktin e organizimit t\u00eb ceremonis\u00eb s\u00eb betimit si dhe me ftesat q\u00eb ju b\u00ebhen personaliteteve t\u00eb ndryshme dhe trupit diplomatik p\u00ebr t\u00eb asistuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ceremoni. Pasi n\u00ebse fton dik\u00ebnd sot p\u00ebr nes\u00ebr, humbet serioziteti i betimit dhe v\u00ebshtr\u00eb se mund t\u00eb vij\u00eb ndokush i ftuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb.<\/p>\n

2.3. Llojet e seancave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme.<\/strong>
\nSeanca e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb dy llojesh: thelb\u00ebsore dhe formale.
\nKur seanca e jasht\u00ebzakonshme thirret p\u00ebr t\u00eb aprovuar nj\u00eb ligj urgjent, i cili \u201cbypason\u201d afatet normale kushtetuese, at\u00ebher\u00eb ajo quhet thelb\u00ebsore. Kushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 83, par. 2, parashikon se \u201cKuvendi, me k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Ministrave ose t\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00eb pest\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb deputet\u00ebve, mund t\u00eb shqyrtoj\u00eb e t\u00eb miratoj\u00eb nj\u00eb projektligj me procedur\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar, por jo m\u00eb par\u00eb se nj\u00eb jav\u00eb nga fillimi i procedur\u00ebs s\u00eb shqyrtimit\u201d.
\nNd\u00ebrsa kur seanca e jasht\u00ebzakonshme thirret p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ceremoni betimi, at\u00ebher\u00eb ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb formale. N\u00eb rastin n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, em\u00ebrtimin \u201ce jasht\u00ebzakonshme\u201d seanc\u00ebs ja jep fakti se mblidhet Kuvendi duke qen\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb mbyllur legjislatura normale, por jo se objekti p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin \u00ebsht\u00eb mbledhur kjo seanc\u00eb, ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, pasi kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb vet\u00ebm me ceremonin\u00eb e betimit.<\/p>\n

Presidenti Nishani me dekretin N. 10559 t\u00eb dat\u00ebs 30 qershor 2017, ka thirrur Kuvendin \u201cN\u00eb sesion t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm, p\u00ebr b\u00ebrjen e betimit t\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs, me dat\u00ebn 24 korrik 2017\u201d (neni 1). Nd\u00ebrsa Meta, akoma me cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kryetarit t\u00eb Kuvendit, ka firmosur me 3 korrik urdh\u00ebrin N. 44 \u201cP\u00ebr mbledhjen e Kuvendit n\u00eb sesion jasht\u00ebzakosh\u00ebm me dat\u00ebn 24 korrik\u201d. Meta mund t\u00eb b\u00ebnte edhe nj\u00eb njoftim formal me an\u00eb t\u00eb mediave, por preferoi m\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb firmoste nj\u00eb URDH\u00cbR. Dhe jo pa q\u00ebllim veproi k\u00ebshtu, duke konfirmuar (edhe) faktin se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb akoma Kryetar i Kuvendit. Q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb akoma President. Kjo seanc\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e posa\u00e7me, duke qen\u00eb se nj\u00ebri President dor\u00ebzon detyr\u00ebn dhe tjetri President e merr k\u00ebt\u00eb detyr\u00eb, pasi t\u00eb ket\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb betimin. Ky betim sh\u00ebrben vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201c\u00e7ertifikuar\u201d votimin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Presidentit, duke i hapur k\u00ebshtu rrug\u00ebn marrjes s\u00eb detyr\u00ebs s\u00eb re.<\/p>\n

2.4. Problemet q\u00eb krijohen me Met\u00ebn e pabetuar si President, por si zevend\u00ebsues t\u00eb Presidentit.<\/strong>
\nKush do z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb Nishanin, n\u00eb rast se nuk betohet Meta? Do e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb Kryetari i Kuvendit Meta. K\u00ebshtu, Meta edhe pa u betuar si President, por duke qen\u00eb akoma Kryetar i Kuvendit, do jet\u00eb Presidenti z\u00ebvend\u00ebsues deri me dat\u00ebn 9 shtator, kur mbaron mandati i legjislatur\u00ebs aktuale. Ose edhe m\u00eb tej (….)! K\u00ebt\u00eb mund\u00ebsi z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimi, e parashikon edhe Kushtetuta n\u00eb neni 91, par. 1, i cili disponon se \u201cKur Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pamund\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar funksionet e tij ose kur vendi i tij mbetet VAKANT, Kryetari i Kuvendit z\u00eb vendin dhe ushtron kompetencat e tij\u201d. Duke qen\u00eb se Nishani dor\u00ebzon mandatin me 24 korrik, at\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb betuar, vendin e tij do e z\u00ebr\u00eb Kryetari i Kuvendit Meta, i cili do \u201cushtroj\u00eb kompetencat e tij\u201d.<\/p>\n

Meta n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, do \u201csakrifikoj\u00eb\u201d vakancat (pushimet) e tija p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht vendin vakant (bosh) t\u00eb ish Presidentit Nishani. T\u00eb z\u00ebsh vendin e dikujt, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsosh at\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, do kemi Presidentin z\u00ebvend\u00ebsues Met\u00ebn. Por, do lind\u00eb edhe ndonj\u00eb problem. N\u00ebse Meta nuk mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb detyr\u00ebn e Presidentit pa u betuar, at\u00ebher\u00eb si mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr ai detyr\u00ebn e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsit t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Presidentit pa u betuar m\u00eb par\u00eb? \u00cbsht\u00eb i vlefsh\u00ebm ushtrimi i mandati t\u00eb Presidentit n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla? Kushtetuta nuk disponon askund se \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrjashtuar nga betimi zevend\u00ebsi (i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm) i Presidentit, q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast \u00ebsht\u00eb Kryetari i Kuvendit.<\/p>\n

Dikush mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb se t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrjashtosh dik\u00ebnd, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb ta p\u00ebrfshish at\u00eb!
\nDikush tjet\u00ebr, mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb se Meta duke qen\u00eb President z\u00ebvend\u00ebsues, sjell q\u00eb mandati presidencial i Nishanit ka vazhdim\u00ebsi deri n\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebn e ardhshme dhe si rrjedhoj\u00eb nuk shtrohet problemi i betimit. Por, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, pasi mandati 5 vje\u00e7ar i Nishanit, mbaron me dat\u00ebn 24 korrik 2017. Mbase mund t\u00eb diskutohej \u00e7\u00ebshtja e betimit, vet\u00ebm n\u00eb rastin e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Presidentit n\u00eb detyr\u00eb brenda afatit 5 vje\u00e7ar!<\/p>\n

2.5. Gjendje e jasht\u00ebzakonshme lufte.<\/strong>
\nE n\u00ebse larg qoft\u00eb gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyr\u00eb dy muajve \u201cvakant\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb Presidentit, Shqip\u00ebria sulmohet nga nj\u00eb shtet i huaj, si p\u00ebr shembull Rusia, Arabia Saudite apo Izraeli? Kushtetuta tek neni 168, par. 2, disponon se \u201cPresidenti i Republik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb Komandant i P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i Forcave t\u00eb Armatosura\u201d. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, i takon atij t\u00eb shpall\u00eb gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast.
\nPo ashtu, Kushtetuta parashikon n\u00eb nenin 74, par. 2, se \u201cKuvendi mblidhet n\u00eb sesion t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm, kur k\u00ebrkohet nga Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs, nga Kryeministri ose nga nj\u00eb e pesta e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb deputet\u00ebve\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa m\u00eb tej, par. 3 vazhdon se \u201cSesionet e jasht\u00ebzakonshme thirren nga Kryetari i Kuvendit n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi dite t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, mbledhja e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, do k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb mblidhet nga Presidenti dhe m\u00eb pas do thirret nga Kryetari i Kuvendit. K\u00ebshtu, Meta do jet\u00eb President, por edhe Kryetar Kuvendi. Ose Kryetari i Kuvendit Meta, do z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet nga zevend\u00ebsi i tij. Por, edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, Meta si President i pabetuar, nuk do ket\u00eb tag\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb mbledhjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Por, n\u00ebse mbledhjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, do e k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb Kryeministri apo 1\/5 e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb deputet\u00ebve, p\u00ebrs\u00ebri kjo mbledhje do thirret nga Kryetari i Kuvendit Meta, duke qen\u00eb se ai nuk e ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb akoma dor\u00ebheqjen nga ky post. Por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, duke mos pasur President, nuk do kemi as Komandant t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Forcave t\u00eb Armatosura!
\nN\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn linj\u00eb me Kushtetut\u00ebn, jan\u00eb edhe Projektligji i Presidentit (neni 11).<\/p>\n

2. 6. Problemet q\u00eb krijohen pa President.<\/strong>
\nPar. 2 i nenit 91, vazhdon m\u00eb tej se \u201cN\u00eb rast se Presidenti nuk mund t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb detyr\u00ebn p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 60 dit\u00eb, Kuvendi, me dy t\u00eb tretat e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve, vendos d\u00ebrgimin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese, e cila v\u00ebrteton p\u00ebrfundimisht faktin e pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb. N\u00eb rast t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetimit t\u00eb pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb, vendi i Presidentit mbetet vakant dhe zgjedhja e Presidentit t\u00eb ri fillon brenda 10 dit\u00ebve nga dita e v\u00ebrtetimit t\u00eb pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb\u201d. N\u00eb rastin e Nishanit, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se e sigurt\u00eb se ai nuk mund t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte detyr\u00ebn e tij p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 60 dit\u00eb (madje edhe p\u00ebr shum\u00eb se 60 dit\u00eb!). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, Kuvendi duhet t\u00eb mblidhet n\u00eb seanc\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e th\u00ebrret Presidenti zevend\u00ebsues Meta.<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb fal\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, t\u00eb mblidhet Kuvendi n\u00eb gusht dhe t\u00eb filloj\u00eb procedur\u00ebn e zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb Ri. Duke mos hyr\u00eb n\u00eb holl\u00ebsi, mund t\u00eb thuhet se afatet kohore mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb mbase ato mund t\u00eb mjaftojn\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e Presidentit t\u00eb Ri nga fundi i gushtit ose fillimi i shtatorit. Por, betimi i tij do b\u00ebhet pas dat\u00ebs 9 shtator kur mbaron mandati i Kuvendit aktual. \u00cbsht\u00eb i kushtetutsh\u00ebm nj\u00eb President, i cili zgjidhet nga Kuvendi aktual dhe betohet para Kuvendit pasardh\u00ebs?<\/p>\n

Por, mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb edhe q\u00eb procedur\u00ebn e zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb Ri ta filloj\u00eb Kuvendi aktual, por zgjedhjen e tij bashk\u00eb me betimin, ta b\u00ebj\u00eb Kuvendi pasardh\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb i kushtetutsh\u00ebm nj\u00eb President, ku procedura e zgjedhjes s\u00eb
\ntij, fillon nga Kuvendi aktual dhe zgjedhja e tij bashk\u00eb me betimin, b\u00ebhet nga Parlamenti pasardh\u00ebs?<\/p>\n

2.7. Zgjedhja e Kryeministrit.<\/strong>
\nKushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 96, par. 1, disponon se \u201cPresidenti i Republik\u00ebs, n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebs, si dhe kur vendi i Kryeministrit mbetet vakant, em\u00ebron Kryeministrin me propozim t\u00eb partis\u00eb ose koalicionit t\u00eb partive, q\u00eb ka shumic\u00ebn e vendeve n\u00eb Kuvend\u201d.
\nRama edhe pse \u00ebsht\u00eb Kryeministri aktual, do jet\u00eb Kryeminist\u00ebr edhe n\u00eb Qeverin\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Por, p\u00ebrs\u00ebri duhet t\u00eb em\u00ebrohet nga Presidenti.
\nK\u00ebtu lindin dy probleme.<\/p>\n

1. Presidenti i pabetuar (dhe \u201cemeritus\u201d) Meta, duhet t\u00eb em\u00ebroj\u00eb Ram\u00ebn si Kryeminist\u00ebr. E n\u00ebse Meta nuk e em\u00ebron Ram\u00ebn?!
\n2. Merret i qen\u00eb fakti se Meta nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb President, duke qen\u00eb se ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb betuar. At\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb legjislatura e re fillon pa President. Por, neni 96 ka dy parakushte: a) qenien e Presidentit n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebs, q\u00eb n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb nuk e kemi; b) qenien e Presidentit p\u00ebr em\u00ebrimin e Kryeministrit, q\u00eb prap\u00eb nuk e kemi. Si zgjidhet at\u00ebher\u00eb problemi n\u00ebse legjislatura e re fillon pa President? Fare e thjesht\u00eb. Zgjidhet Kryetari i Ri i Kuvendit dhe m\u00eb pas zgjidhet Presidenti i Ri, i cili m\u00eb pas em\u00ebron Kryeministrin e Ri.<\/p>\n

2.8. Mbledhja e Kuvendit t\u00eb Ri pa President n\u00eb detyr\u00eb.<\/strong>
\nKuvendi ka shum\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb mblidhet me dat\u00ebn 19 shtator. Pse me 19 shtator dhe jo me 9 shtator? Sepse Kushtetuta tek neni 67, par. 1, disponon se \u201dPresidenti i Republik\u00ebs e mbledh Kuvendin e porsazgjedhur jo m\u00eb par\u00eb se data e p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb Kuvendit paraardh\u00ebs, por jo m\u00eb von\u00eb se 10 dit\u00eb pas mbarimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij mandati\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, do i takoj\u00eb Met\u00ebs si z\u00ebvend\u00ebs i Presidentit q\u00eb t\u00eb mbledh\u00eb Kuvendin e Ri. Q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se Met\u00ebs i refuzohet betimi si President, por nga ana tjet\u00ebr ai si z\u00ebvend\u00ebs President (\u201cemeritum\u201d edhe k\u00ebtu) mund t\u00eb mbledh\u00eb Kuvendin e Ri.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, Meta ka 10 dit\u00eb koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbledhur Kuvendin. Ai mund edhe t\u00eb mos e mbledh\u00eb Kuvendin n\u00eb k\u00ebto 10 dit\u00eb. Par. 2, vijon se \u201cN\u00eb rast se Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs nuk e ushtron k\u00ebt\u00eb kompetenc\u00eb, Kuvendi vet\u00ebmblidhet n\u00eb dit\u00ebn e dhjet\u00eb t\u00eb afatit t\u00eb parashikuar n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 1 t\u00eb k\u00ebtij neni\u201d. Por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, do kemi shkelje t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs, e cila n\u00eb nenin 65, par 1, disponon se \u201cKuvendi zgjidhet \u00e7do 4 vjet. Mandati i Kuvendit fillon me mbledhjen e par\u00eb t\u00eb tij pas zgjedhjeve dhe p\u00ebrfundon n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn dat\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit muaj t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kat\u00ebrt nga data e mbledhjes s\u00eb par\u00eb. N\u00eb \u00e7do rast, Kuvendi q\u00ebndron n\u00eb detyr\u00eb deri n\u00eb mbledhjen e par\u00eb t\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb zgjedhur\u201d. Kuvendi mund t\u00eb vet\u00ebmblidhet k\u00ebshtu me dat\u00ebn 19 shtator. Dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb dit\u00eb do mbaroj\u00eb mandati i Kuvendit paraardh\u00ebs, ose 10 dit\u00eb pas afatit kushtetues. Pjesa e dyt\u00eb e par. 2, e cila disponon se \u201cN\u00eb \u00e7do rast, Kuvendi q\u00ebndron n\u00eb detyr\u00eb deri n\u00eb mbledhjen e par\u00eb t\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb zgjedhur\u201d, nuk i referohet tejkalimit t\u00eb afatit kushtetues, por rasteve kur Kuvendi mund t\u00eb mblidhet n\u00eb nj\u00eb seanc\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, kur \u00ebsht\u00eb mbyllur legjislatura brenda afatit 4 vje\u00e7ar. Ashtu si\u00e7 ndodhi me datat 22 maj dhe 17 qershor.<\/p>\n

Sapo t\u00eb zgjidhet Kryetari i Ri i Kuvendit me 19 shtator, lindin dy probleme: 1. Meta duke mos qen\u00eb m\u00eb Kryetar Kuvendi, automatikisht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb as z\u00ebvend\u00ebs President; 2. Meta vazhdon t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb Presidentin deri n\u00eb zgjedhjen e Presidentit t\u00eb ri. N\u00eb rastin e par\u00eb, Kryetari i Ri i Kuvendit q\u00eb do jet\u00eb edhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebs President (i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm), duhet q\u00eb n\u00eb respektim t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs, t\u00eb kryej\u00eb edhe kompetencat e tij. Por, do krijohej p\u00ebrs\u00ebri p\u00ebrs\u00ebri problemi i ushtrimit t\u00eb kompetencave t\u00eb Presidentit nga ana e Kryetarit t\u00eb Kuvendit, pa b\u00ebr\u00eb akoma ai betimin. K\u00ebshtu, Kryetari i Ri Kuvendit nuk ka si t\u00eb dekretoj\u00eb Qeverin\u00eb e Re. At\u00ebher\u00eb mbetet q\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb Presidentin e Ri.
\nEdhe rasti i dyt\u00eb, mund t\u00eb trajtohet si rasti i par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Duke qene se p\u00ebr momentin, PS-ja ka vet\u00ebm 74 vende n\u00eb Kuvend dhe se n\u00eb 3 seancat e para p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e Presidentit t\u00eb Ri, duhen 84 vota, at\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb nevojitet edhe seanca e kat\u00ebrt, ku mjaftojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm 71 vota. Pra, duhen minimumi edhe 21 dit\u00eb t\u00eb tjera. Q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se me gjith\u00eb ngarkes\u00ebn e madhe t\u00eb Kuvendit, mund t\u00eb kemi Presidentin e Ri me dat\u00ebn 11 tetor. M\u00eb pas, Presidenti i Ri do betohet pas t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy jav\u00ebsh, duke qen\u00eb se k\u00ebrkohet koha e nevojshm\u00eb dhe e arsyeshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrgatitijen e ceremonis\u00eb s\u00eb betimit. Pastaj, ai do dekretoj\u00eb Qeverin\u00eb e Re, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund ta kemi nga fillimi i n\u00ebntorit. Duke qen\u00eb se k\u00ebto zgjedhje i ka fituar PS-ja, do kemi vazhdim\u00ebsi qeveris\u00ebse. Shtrohet nj\u00eb problemi tjet\u00ebr. E n\u00ebse k\u00ebto zgjedhje nuk do i kishte fituar PS-ja, por PD-ja? Do kishte kuptim at\u00ebher\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb Parti, e cila ka humbur zgjedhjet, t\u00eb qeveriste edhe n\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebn e re?<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, problemi kryesor mbetet fakti se legjislatura e re fillon pa President dhe se Kryeministri si rrjedhoj\u00eb nuk em\u00ebrohet n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebs si\u00e7 e parashikon Kushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 96. Pasi fillimi i legjislatur\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fillim dhe jo n\u00eb vijim pas nj\u00eb muaji apo m\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/p>\n

2.9. Nishani BIS?!<\/strong>
\nNdokush mund t\u00eb supozoj\u00eb se Presidentit Nishani mund t\u2019i zgjatet mandati. Por, askund n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb nuk parashikohet ky fakt. Presidenti ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb rizgjedhjen e tij vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebher\u00eb sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs (neni 88, par. 1) dhe nuk mund t\u2019i zgjatet mandati 5 vje\u00e7ar as edhe p\u00ebr raste t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Madje as edhe t\u00eb rizgjidhet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs, Nishani dor\u00ebzon detyr\u00ebn me 24 korrik.<\/strong>
\nDikush mund t\u00eb supozoj\u00eb se Rama edhe pse nuk ka pasur feeling institucional dhe njer\u00ebzor brenda normave me Nishanin, mund t\u2019i lutet (ose k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb) atij q\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb detyr\u00ebn p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb larta shtet\u00ebrore. Ose edhe t\u00eb rikandidohet. Kushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 88, par. 1, disponon se \u201cPresidenti i Republik\u00ebs, n\u00eb \u00e7do rast, zgjidhet p\u00ebr 5 vjet, me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb rizgjedhjeje vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb her\u00eb\u201d. Edhe n\u00ebse Nishani pranon, problemi nuk zgjidhet aq kollaj. Pasi do lindin probleme t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb lidhje me betimin e tij. Do ket\u00eb vler\u00eb betimi i m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm edhe p\u00ebr vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb apo rinovimin e mandatit, apo duhet betim i ri.<\/p>\n

Kushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 87, par. 1, disponon se \u201cKandidati p\u00ebr President i propozohet Kuvendit nga nj\u00eb grup prej jo m\u00eb pak se 20 deputet\u00ebsh\u201d. Dhe ky propozim b\u00ebhet n\u00eb Kuvend. Kush do e th\u00ebrras\u00eb seanc\u00ebn e jasht\u00ebzakonshme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbledhur Kuvendi? Nishani jo, pasi atij i ka mbaruar mandati. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Meta sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs z\u00ebvend\u00ebson Presidentin n\u00eb rast se vendi i tij mbetet vakant (bosh). Por, n\u00ebse n\u00eb shkelje t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs, lejohet q\u00eb Meta edhe pa u betuar t\u00eb th\u00ebrras\u00eb seanc\u00ebn e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai mund ta th\u00ebrras\u00eb seanc\u00ebn me dat\u00ebn 31 korrik (flitet gjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebr afat\u00eb t\u00eb sup\u00ebrshpejtuara!).<\/p>\n

Kushtetuta n\u00eb nenin 87, par. 2, disponon se \u201c…Votimi i par\u00eb zhvillohet jo m\u00eb von\u00eb se shtat\u00eb dit\u00eb nga fillimi i procedur\u00ebs p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e Presidentit. Secili nga votimet e tjera zhvillohet jo m\u00eb von\u00eb se shtat\u00eb dit\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi pa sukses i votimit pararend\u00ebs. Votimi quhet i kryer edhe kur n\u00eb konkurrim nuk paraqitet asnj\u00eb kandidat. N\u00eb votimin e dyt\u00eb, t\u00eb tret\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kat\u00ebrt mund t\u00eb paraqiten kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb rinj, sipas kushteve t\u00eb pik\u00ebs 1 t\u00eb k\u00ebtij neni\u201d. K\u00ebshtu, kandidatura e Nishanit diskutohet me 31 korrik dhe votimi i par\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet me dat\u00ebn 7 gusht. Nishani mund t\u00eb rizgjidhet President n\u00eb raundin e par\u00eb me 7 gusht. Po mori edhe votat e opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur 84 votat e nevojshme. Por, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb 84 votave, Nishani mund t\u00eb rizgjidhet President n\u00eb raundin e kat\u00ebrt me 71 vota me dat\u00ebn 28 gusht. Nishani duhet edhe t\u00eb ribetohet. Dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri Ilir Meta si President zevend\u00ebsues, do th\u00ebrras\u00eb seanc\u00ebn e jasht\u00ebzakonshme n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar, por jo m\u00eb her\u00ebt se fillimi i shtatorit p\u00ebr ribetimin e Nishanit. Dhe Nishani do ribetohet p\u00ebr pes\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim.<\/p>\n

Supozohet edhe q\u00eb n\u00eb seanc\u00ebn e ribetimit t\u00eb Nishanit t\u00eb ndodhen 71 deputet\u00ebt e nevojsh\u00ebm. E n\u00ebse Nishanit i duhet t\u00eb ribetohet pas dat\u00ebs 9 (ose 19) shtator? Para cilit Kuvend do betohet ai? Para Kuvendit paraardh\u00ebs apo Kuvendit t\u00eb Ri? Po u ribetua para Kuvendit paraardh\u00ebs dhe fillon t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb detyr\u00ebn me Kuvendin e Ri, \u00ebsht\u00eb kushtetushm\u00ebrisht i ligjsh\u00ebm ky mandat? E n\u00ebse ai ribetohet para Kuvendit t\u00eb Ri, \u00ebsht\u00eb kushtetutshm\u00ebrisht i ligjsh\u00ebm ky mandat duke qen\u00eb se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhur nga Kuvendi paraardh\u00ebs? E n\u00ebse p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb ndryshme Nishani edhe pse i propozuar p\u00ebr t\u2019u zgjedhur nga Kuvendi aktual, i takon t\u00eb zgjidhet dhe ribetohet me Kuvendin e Ri? N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, \u00e7do gj\u00eb do filloj\u00eb nga e para. Me kandidat Nishanin, ose me nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Problem tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse vlen nga ana kushtetuese Meta si President zevend\u00ebsues p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb koh\u00eb (….).<\/p>\n

2. 10. Investimi i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese.<\/strong>
\nN\u00eb pamund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktim t\u00eb sakt\u00eb togfjal\u00ebshit \u201csesion i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm\u201d ose \u201cfillim legjislature\u201d, ose shum\u00eb problemeve t\u00eb shtruara m\u00eb lart, at\u00ebher\u00eb zgjidhjen e tyre mund (ose duhet) ta jap\u00eb vet\u00ebm Gjykata Kushtetuese, e cila aktivizohet n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb rekursit q\u00eb i drejtojn\u00eb asaj t\u00eb interesuarit direkt\u00eb dhe indirekt\u00eb. Neni 134 i Kushtetut\u00ebs, p\u00ebrcakton qart\u00eb edhe personat apo subjektet q\u00eb mund t\u2019i drejtohen Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese. K\u00ebt\u00eb mund\u00ebsi, e ka edhe Ilir Meta si President i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm pas dat\u00ebs 24 korrik n\u00ebse nuk i mund\u00ebsohet betimi. Ose edhe si individ. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, n\u00eb pritje t\u00eb vendimit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, \u00e7do gj\u00eb rrin pezull (….).<\/p>\n

2.11. Respekt kushtetues dhe ligjor.<\/strong>
\nThirrja e seanc\u00ebs s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb detyrim kushtetues i deputet\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb prezent\u00eb dit\u00ebn e (para)caktuar.
\nN\u00eb lidhje me k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb interesante edhe Rregullorja e Kuvendit, e cila n\u00eb nenin 4, par. 2 (\u201cBetimi i deputet\u00ebve\u201d) disponon se \u201cTeksti i betimit \u00ebsht\u00eb: \u201cBetohem me nderin tim se do t\u00eb kryej me nd\u00ebrgjegje detyr\u00ebn si deputet i popullit n\u00eb Kuvend. Do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj denj\u00ebsisht popullin, do t\u2019i bindem Kushtetut\u00ebs dhe ligjeve\u201d. K\u00ebshtu, i duhet bindur asaj Kushtetute, e cila parashikon PREZENC\u00cbN edhe gjat\u00eb seancave t\u00eb \u201cjasht\u00ebzakonshme\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse nj\u00eb deputet nuk paraqitet n\u00eb seanc\u00ebn e jasht\u00ebzakonshme t\u00eb thirrur nga Presidenti, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai d\u00ebshmon se \u201cnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i denj\u00eb i popullit\u201d dhe se \u201cnuk i bindet Kushtetut\u00ebs dhe ligjeve\u201d.<\/p>\n

2.12. Jehona e (mos)betimit.<\/strong>
\nPresidenti betohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb seanc\u00eb t\u00eb posa\u00e7me (dhe jo t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme) ku p\u00ebrve\u00e7 deputet\u00ebve, marrin pjes\u00eb edhe ambasador\u00ebt dhe diplomat\u00ebt e huaj t\u00eb akredituar n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Cili do jet\u00eb serioziteti i Shtetit shqiptar n\u00ebse mungojn\u00eb deputet\u00ebt dhe marrin pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ftuarit e nderit? Apo mos vall\u00eb duke qen\u00eb depuet\u00ebt t\u00eb (para)p\u00ebrgatitur q\u00eb t\u00eb mos lejojn\u00eb betimin e Met\u00ebs, nuk do ftohet askush? Ja vlen t\u00eb tregohet kjo munges\u00eb serioziteti duke munguar n\u00eb seanc\u00ebn e betimit t\u00eb Presidentit ajo shumic\u00eb e cila k\u00ebt\u00eb President e zgjodhi me 28 prill?<\/p>\n

Neni 105, par.1 (\u201cVeprimtaria e hapur e Kuvendit\u201d), disponon se \u201cVeprimtaria e Kuvendit \u00ebsht\u00eb e HAPUR, me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb rastit t\u00eb parashikuar n\u00eb nenin 43 t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj Rregulloreje\u201d.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, dit\u00ebn e betimit t\u00eb Presidentit mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb prezent\u00eb n\u00eb sall\u00eb edhe ZGJEDH\u00cbSIT (ose populli \u201csovran\u201d!) por jo t\u00eb ZGJEDHURIT e k\u00ebtij populli.
\nSOVRAN?!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Av. XHABIR ZEJNUNI P\u00ebrmbajtja. 1. Dilem\u00eb (para)post elektorale! 2. Meta pengohet p\u00ebr t\u2019u betuar me 24 korrik. 2.1. Kuorumi pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs i nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr betimin e Presidentit. 2.2. Seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme apo e zakonshme? 2.3. Llojet e seancave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. 2.4. Problemet q\u00eb krijohen me Met\u00ebn e pabetuar si President, por si zevend\u00ebsues t\u00eb Presidentit. 2.5. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-13815","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","category-artikuj"],"yoast_head":"\n(MOS)BETIMI I ILIR MET\u00cbS - FJALA e LIR\u00cb<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/mosbetimi-i-ilir-metes\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"(MOS)BETIMI I ILIR MET\u00cbS - FJALA e LIR\u00cb\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Av. XHABIR ZEJNUNI P\u00ebrmbajtja. 1. Dilem\u00eb (para)post elektorale! 2. Meta pengohet p\u00ebr t\u2019u betuar me 24 korrik. 2.1. Kuorumi pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs i nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr betimin e Presidentit. 2.2. Seanc\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme apo e zakonshme? 2.3. Llojet e seancave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. 2.4. Problemet q\u00eb krijohen me Met\u00ebn e pabetuar si President, por si zevend\u00ebsues t\u00eb Presidentit. 2.5. 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