{"id":43708,"date":"2019-08-01T01:04:00","date_gmt":"2019-07-31T23:04:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/?p=43708"},"modified":"2019-08-01T01:04:00","modified_gmt":"2019-07-31T23:04:00","slug":"dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\/","title":{"rendered":"Dominimi i kultur\u00ebs politike autoritare"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nik\u00eb Gashaj<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kur federalizmi ka qen\u00eb i vendosur n\u00eb Jugosllavi, nj\u00ebsit\u00eb federale kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kryesisht t\u00eb organizuara n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb kombeve etnike, sipas modelit Sovjetik. N\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn Jugosllavin\u00eb e Dyt\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet kombeve etnike, q\u00eb nga viti 1960, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr jan\u00eb keq\u00ebsuar. Duke analizuar eksperiencat dhe shkaqet e dezintegrimit Jugosllav, Sovjetik dhe \u00c7ekosllovak, teoricienti Valeri Bans thekson se struktura federative ka qen\u00eb shkaku m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, q\u00eb ka \u00e7uar deri te shthurja, sepse federalizmi nj\u00ebpartiak, n\u00eb kontekstin socialist i ka krijuar proto-kombet dhe proto-shtetet.<\/p>\n

Dezintegrimi ka ndodh\u00eb p\u00ebr arsye se struktura politike-administrative e k\u00ebtyre shteteve federative ka qen\u00eb e themeluar n\u00eb nj\u00ebsit\u00eb t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb caktuara n\u00eb kategorit\u00eb etnoterritoriale (Valerie Bunce). Nuk ka dyshim, p\u00ebrpos shkaqeve t\u00eb tjera, se edhe defektet e inkorporuara n\u00eb sistemin politik dhe karakteristikat konfederative e kan\u00eb leht\u00ebsuar shthurjen respektivisht dezintegrimin.<\/p>\n

Arsyeja kryesore e kund\u00ebrshtimit dhe e rezistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb federalizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb eksperienca me federalizmin, q\u00eb ka sh\u00ebrbyer si udh\u00eb e secesionizmit dhe e shthurjes s\u00eb tri ish-federatave komuniste. Mu p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, federalizmin e shikojn\u00eb si nj\u00eb mjet q\u00eb me hapa gradual\u00eb e send\u00ebrton secesionizmin.<\/p>\n

Pas vdekjes s\u00eb Titos n\u00eb Jugosllavi ka arrdhur deri te tensionimi i gjendjes politike dhe acarimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve etnike dhe konfliktet e armatosura. Si pasoj\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj, n\u00eb disa republika, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Serbi, Mal t\u00eb Zi, Kroaci dhe Bosnje Hercegovin\u00eb ka arrdhur deri te koncentrimi i pushtetit n\u00eb duar t\u00eb kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb republikave t\u00eb lartp\u00ebrmendura, kurse n\u00eb popull ka qen\u00eb i p\u00ebrhapur nj\u00eb bot\u00ebkuptim, t\u00eb cilin mund ta vler\u00ebsojm\u00eb si shprehje e dominimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb kulture politike autoritare, e cila ka rezultuar n\u00eb personalitete autoritare, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i ka p\u00ebrkrah\u00eb pjesa d\u00ebrmuese apo absulute e popullat\u00ebs aktive politike, e shkaku kryesor nuk ishte dashria ndaj udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve, por frika p\u00ebr identitet kolektiv dhe ekzistenc\u00eb, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se n\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb interesit mbeten pa koordinator\u00eb ose dirigjent\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pa marr\u00eb parasysh se autor\u00ebt e orientimit liberalo-demokratik si psh. Huan Linc, Arend Lajphart, Alfred Stepan dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, q\u00eb merren me problematik\u00ebn e transformimit nga format politike autoritare n\u00eb ato demokratike n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Jugore, n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Jugore (me \u00e7ka m\u00eb s\u00eb pari mendohet n\u00eb Spaj\u00eb dhe Portogali, pastaj n\u00eb Itali, Greqi dhe Turqi) dhe n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore (duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dhe Ballkanin) theksojn\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebr nj\u00eb transformim t\u00eb till\u00eb do t’iu afroj\u00eb sistemi parlamentar, atyre iu \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb konstatojn\u00eb shtrirjen dhe zgjerimin e madh t\u00eb sistemit presidencial, kryesisht me presidenta t\u00eb fort\u00eb, \u00e7ka kur t\u00eb merret parasysh tradita autoritare dhe kultura politike, manifeston (me p\u00ebrjashtime) m\u00eb tep\u00ebr autoritariz\u00ebm sesa ndonj\u00eb tipar tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb bindjes politike.<\/p>\n

Kur presidenti rus ishte n\u00eb konflikt me parlamentin, i cili ka arritur kulmin m\u00eb 1993, n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet q\u00eb me nd\u00ebrrimin e kushtetut\u00ebs ta forcoj\u00eb poziten e vet, disa shkenc\u00ebtar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb, njoh\u00ebs t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, si Robert Daniels, e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar pozit\u00ebn dhe ambicjet e tij si lindje “t\u00eb mbretit t\u00eb ri”. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjten koh\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e shtypit per\u00ebndimor e ka par\u00eb si nj\u00eb interes p\u00ebr momentin m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, q\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb mbetet negociatori i gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr koncesione, sesa t\u00eb vihet deri te zhvillimi i institucioneve demokratike dhe i pushtetit ligjor, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ndarjes dhe baraspesh\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit, si dhe i forcimit t\u00eb sistemit parlamentar.<\/p>\n

Situat\u00eb e ngjashme ishte edhe n\u00eb vendet e tjera t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Lindore dhe n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish Bashkimit Sovjetik.<\/p>\n

Ne k\u00ebtu duhet t\u00eb cekim se teoreticient\u00ebt e demokracis\u00eb konsociale vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb se parlamentarizmi, p\u00ebr mbrojtjen dhe p\u00ebr mbushjen e synimeve t\u00eb pakicave etnike (nacionale), \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i mir\u00eb se sa presidencializmi.<\/p>\n

Rreziqet e trilluara dhe diktatura politike<\/strong><\/p>\n

Disa hulumtime t\u00eb opinionit publik dhe stereotipet dominuese n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn politike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb dhe Malit t\u00eb Zi kan\u00eb treguar, e p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ekziston edhe nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh indikator\u00ebsh n\u00eb mbishkrime, n\u00eb korrespodencat e lexuesve dhe n\u00eb deklaratat e botuara, q\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh i qytetar\u00ebve ka menduar dhe mendon se situata detyron pranimin e presidentit t\u00eb fort\u00eb si udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kjo ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme me situatat e rrezikshme ose t\u00eb rreziqeve t\u00eb supozuara, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat romak\u00ebt e vjet\u00ebr dikuj ia kan\u00eb besuar pushtetin e pakufizuar. Rreziku p\u00ebr \u00e7\u2018arsye k\u00ebrkohen autorizime t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i trilluar dhe joreal, nd\u00ebrsa efektet n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjes jan\u00eb gati t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta.<\/p>\n

Romak\u00ebt at\u00eb form\u00eb fillestare t\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs e kan\u00eb kufizuar n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje kohore dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjeve t\u00eb kompetencave, e kur ka kaluar koha e caktuar ose eliminimi i rrezikut, p\u00ebrs\u00ebri jan\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb “normale” t\u00eb jet\u00ebs politike. Mir\u00ebpo, edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se paraftyrimet mbi rreziqet ose vet\u00ebrreziqet mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahen apo t\u00eb mbahen edhe artificialisht dhe ashtu t\u00eb vazhdohet diktatura.<\/p>\n

Nuk guxojm\u00eb t\u00eb mos e kemi parasysh fatin se nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh i argumentave dhe rezoneve n\u00eb favor t\u00eb decentralizimit, vet\u00ebqeverisjes, demokracis\u00eb, t\u00eb kufizimit t\u00eb pushtetit etj. mund t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohet me heshtje, ose shprehimisht me nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb kund\u00ebrargumentash nga katalogu i “arsyeve shtet\u00ebrore”, t\u00eb “interesave kombetare”, t\u00eb “arsyeve t\u00eb sigurimit komb\u00ebtar”, t\u00eb teoris\u00eb s\u00eb sovranitetit, t\u00eb nevojave dhe detyrave t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur rendin publik si supozim t\u00eb paqes shoq\u00ebrore dhe t\u00eb pengoj\u00eb trendet nga fragmentizmi i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb rrezikoj\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm integritetin e tij territorial, por mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb edhe deri te konfliktet me p\u00ebrpjestime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe me pasoja jasht\u00ebzakonisht tragjike.<\/p>\n

Xhon Loku \u2013 prij\u00ebsi i ideve demokratike<\/strong><\/p>\n

Si prij\u00ebs i ideve dhe i institucioneve t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale, e cila k\u00ebrkon edhe vet\u00ebqeverisje, decentralizim dhe ndarjen e pushtetit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe konsiderohet Xhon Loku. Nd\u00ebrsa, si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues dhe ithtar radikal i mbrojtjes s\u00eb rendit autoritar, t\u00eb rregullit publik dhe sigurimit t\u00eb shtetit ose interesave komb\u00ebtare (shtet\u00ebrore), mund t\u00eb merret Tomas Hobs.<\/p>\n

Loku e ka parapar\u00eb dhe supozuar nj\u00eb situat\u00eb, ku trupi politik dhe qeveria formohen mbi bazat e veprimit racional dhe t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve mbi t\u00eb ashtuquajturat sende themelore, q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me karakterin e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00ebn pushtetin e zgjedhur dhe n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb respektimit reciprok t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave dhe lirive themelore.<\/p>\n

Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nisur nga nj\u00eb koncept i karakterit njer\u00ebzor, q\u00eb llogarit n\u00eb mpreht\u00ebsin\u00eb e arsyes, t\u00eb urt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb gjykimit njer\u00ebzor. Por, n\u00eb qoft\u00ebse dikush supozon ndryshe karakterin e njeriut, duke par\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb egoizmin dhe karrierizmin si tipare kryesore, dhe n\u00ebse e konsideron se ajo manifestohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e p\u00ebrditshme (krime, pasiguria e jet\u00ebs dhe e pron\u00ebs, korrupsioni, lufta rreth pushtetit nga grupet mafioze deri n\u00eb krye t\u00eb shtetit) dhe p\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj, po ashtu shton se n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjestimet bot\u00ebrore gjat\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb historis\u00eb zhvillohet lufta p\u00ebr superioritet dhe dominim, at\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb paraftyrim i till\u00eb i zi mund edhe p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e problemeve t\u00eb pushtetit dhe t\u00eb rendit publik, t\u00eb drejtoj\u00eb me mjete t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n

Tomas Hobsi-ithtar i pushtetit autoritar<\/strong><\/p>\n

Udh\u00eb tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb treguar mbrojt\u00ebsit e shumt\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb fort\u00eb, dhe zakonishtt t\u00eb pakufizuar. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb rezonim t\u00eb till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi reprezentues nga Leviatani, ku Hobsi e shqyrton karakterin dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e themelimit t\u00eb shtetit: m\u00ebnyra e vetme q\u00eb t\u00eb vendoset pushteti i till\u00eb i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, i cili mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbrojtur njer\u00ebzit nga pushteti i jasht\u00ebm dhe nga l\u00ebndimet q\u00eb ia b\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00ebri tjetrit dhe t\u2019i sigurojn\u00eb q\u00eb me zellin e tyre dhe me frytet e tok\u00ebs mund t\u00eb ushqehen dhe t\u2019i k\u00ebnaqin nevojat dhe k\u00ebrkesat e veta, \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme q\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb forc\u00ebn dhe fuqin\u00eb e vet t\u2019ia besojn\u00eb nj\u00eb njeriut, ose nj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb ken\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha d\u00ebshirat e tyre n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb votave t\u00eb reduktohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb caktojm\u00eb nj\u00eb njeri ose nj\u00eb grup njer\u00ebzish t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb jen\u00eb mbart\u00ebsit e personalitetit t\u00eb tyre dhe gjykimeve t\u00eb tyre. Dhe n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00ebndron esenca e shtetit t\u00eb cilin do ta definojn\u00eb si nj\u00eb personalitet ku mbart\u00ebsi i k\u00ebtij personaliteti quhet sovran dhe thuhet se atij i takon pushteti sovran, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb jan\u00eb sh\u00ebrb\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb fakte ne na drejtojn\u00eb n\u00eb konkludim se pik\u00ebrisht ndeshemi me shum\u00eb elemente t\u00eb shtetit autoritar Leviatan: mir\u00ebpo, shteti n\u00eb fjal\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrmbush at\u00eb rol t\u00eb cilin nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb till\u00eb ia ka p\u00ebrcaktuar Hobsi n\u00eb teorin\u00eb e vet. Ky rol kishte p\u00ebr synim ofrimin e paqes dhe siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sovraniteti shtet\u00ebror rigjid- penges\u00eb e demokratizimit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pa marr\u00eb parasysh se mendojm\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte e preferueshme dhe e nevojshme q\u00eb shtetet e Ballkanit Prendimor: Mali i Zi, Shqip\u00ebria, Kosova, Serbia, Maqedonia dhe BeH, t\u00eb zhvillohen n\u00eb drejtim demokratik, t\u00eb send\u00ebrtimit adekuat t\u00eb pushtetit ligjor, t\u00eb decentralizimit demokratik dhe t\u00eb vet\u00ebqeverisjes rajonale dhe lokale, t\u00eb respektimit, mbrojtjes dhe realizimit konsekuent t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb pakicave komb\u00ebtare, duhet t\u00eb themi se ekzistojn\u00eb disa grupe t\u00eb faktor\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb drejtojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rend t\u00eb par\u00eb, kryesisht, koncepti i pushtetit ka qen\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrcaktuar me bot\u00ebkuptimet mbi sovranitetin shtet\u00ebror dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e shtetit nacional, i cili ka m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ngjashm\u00ebri me kompetencat dhe me zgjidhjet institucionale nga e kaluara historike e sistemit politik centralist sesa me idet\u00eb dhe institucionet liberal-demokratike.<\/p>\n

Mu p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr potezat kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit tek k\u00ebto shtete, q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs – periudh\u00eb t\u00eb transicionit, ka qen\u00eb koncentrimi i pushtetit dhe i resurseve.<\/p>\n

Pastaj, interesat e pushtetmbajt\u00ebsve q\u00eb t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb pushtetin dhe fotelet kan\u00eb imponuar nevoj\u00ebn e shpenzimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb energjie t\u00eb madhe dhe t\u00eb mjeteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar at\u00eb q\u00ebllim duke mos u kujdesur q\u00eb shteti ta arsyetoj\u00eb veten, madje as me p\u00ebrmbushjen e k\u00ebtyre q\u00ebllimeve dhe detyrave, p\u00ebr \u00e7ka sipas Hobsit edhe formohet shteti, e ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb sigurimi i rendit shoq\u00ebror, paqes dhe siguris\u00eb, nga jasht\u00eb dhe nga brenda. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb pushtetmbajt\u00ebsit jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikuar, sikur t\u00eb inicionin reformat e v\u00ebrteta, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit dhe funksionimit t\u00eb shtetit juridik dhe demokratik, t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb \u201cshkrinin\u201d dhe do t\u00eb dob\u00ebsonin sistemin e tyre rigjid t\u00eb kontrollit, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb treguar joefikas, jozhvillimor dhe jodemokratik.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nik\u00eb Gashaj Kur federalizmi ka qen\u00eb i vendosur n\u00eb Jugosllavi, nj\u00ebsit\u00eb federale kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kryesisht t\u00eb organizuara n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb kombeve etnike, sipas modelit Sovjetik. N\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn Jugosllavin\u00eb e Dyt\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet kombeve etnike, q\u00eb nga viti 1960, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr jan\u00eb keq\u00ebsuar. Duke analizuar eksperiencat dhe shkaqet e dezintegrimit Jugosllav, Sovjetik dhe […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":24116,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-43708","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-artikuj"],"yoast_head":"\nDominimi i kultur\u00ebs politike autoritare - FJALA e LIR\u00cb<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Dominimi i kultur\u00ebs politike autoritare - FJALA e LIR\u00cb\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nik\u00eb Gashaj Kur federalizmi ka qen\u00eb i vendosur n\u00eb Jugosllavi, nj\u00ebsit\u00eb federale kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kryesisht t\u00eb organizuara n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb kombeve etnike, sipas modelit Sovjetik. N\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn Jugosllavin\u00eb e Dyt\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet kombeve etnike, q\u00eb nga viti 1960, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr jan\u00eb keq\u00ebsuar. Duke analizuar eksperiencat dhe shkaqet e dezintegrimit Jugosllav, Sovjetik dhe […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"FJALA e LIR\u00cb\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/facebook.com\/fjala.info\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:author\" content=\"https:\/\/facebook.com\/shkoder.net\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2019-07-31T23:04:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/nike_gashaj.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"450\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"589\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@https:\/\/twitter.com\/acokaj\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@acokaj\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"10 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"admin\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/9c9fccf4f6449d25e258607d9b4275cb\"},\"headline\":\"Dominimi i kultur\u00ebs politike autoritare\",\"datePublished\":\"2019-07-31T23:04:00+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1913,\"commentCount\":0,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2018\\\/02\\\/nike_gashaj.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"Artikuj\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\\\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/jehonashqiptare.al\\\/fjala\\\/dominimi-i-kultures-politike-autoritare\\\/\",\"name\":\"Dominimi i kultur\u00ebs politike autoritare - 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