{"id":43925,"date":"2019-08-08T00:04:25","date_gmt":"2019-08-07T22:04:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/?p=43925"},"modified":"2019-08-08T00:18:57","modified_gmt":"2019-08-07T22:18:57","slug":"etnifikimi-i-politikes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/etnifikimi-i-politikes\/","title":{"rendered":"ETNIFIKIMI I POLITIK\u00cbS"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nik\u00eb Gashaj<\/strong><\/p>\n

Implozioni i socializmit ka shkuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb simultane me eksplodimin e nacionalizmit. Shkat\u00ebrrimi i socializmit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebtrit\u00eb multietnike dhe shtetet federative, pjes\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb i shkaktuar, dhe gjithsesi i shpejtuar, n\u00ebn presionin e nj\u00eb vale t\u00eb re dhe t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb nacionalizmit. Nj\u00ebri nga historian\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur, Erik Hobsbaum, nacionalzimin bashk\u00ebkohor postkomunist e ka quajtur nacionaliz\u00ebm separatist.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, r\u00ebnia e socializmit ka pasur edhe dometh\u00ebnien e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb vlerave, \u00e7ka nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera e ka hapur dhe shtuar kriz\u00ebn e identitetit kolektiv. Nacionalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00ebri nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit mbi kriz\u00ebn e identitetit kolektiv, q\u00eb i ka kapur shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e shumta bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb ekskomuniste lider\u00ebt dhe elitat e reja politike e kan\u00eb grabitur at\u00eb resurs t\u00eb identitetit, t\u00eb cilin e kan\u00eb pasur m\u00eb s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi dhe m\u00eb s\u00eb lehti p\u00ebr ta aktivizuar. Mir\u00ebpo, duhet t\u00eb theksojm\u00eb se as masat nuk jan\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pafajshme dhe sjelljet e tyre t\u00eb shpeshta militante, agresive dhe jotolerante, jan\u00eb s\u00eb gjithash ndaj pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb kombeve t\u00eb tjera nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb shpjeguara dhe t\u00eb arsyetuara.<\/p>\n

Mobilizimi i resursit t\u00eb identitetit nacional ka qen\u00eb i mundur edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb instrumentalizmit relativisht t\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb ndjenjave nacionale p\u00ebr send\u00ebrtimin e q\u00ebllimeve politike t\u00eb caktuar dhe para s\u00eb gjithash redistribuimin dhe alokacionin e ri t\u00eb forc\u00ebs politike dhe p\u00ebr vendosjen e formave t\u00eb reja t\u00eb dominimit politik.<\/p>\n

Teza e sociologut t\u00eb njohur politik nga Gjermania, Claus Offe, mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs (“ethnification of the politics”) n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb adekuate e shpjegon at\u00eb \u00e7ka ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ndodh n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicion. Autori n\u00eb fjal\u00eb tregon se etnifikimi i poltik\u00ebs paraqitet si di\u00e7ka tragjike n\u00eb mikroplanin individual dhe n\u00eb makroplanin kolektiv.<\/p>\n

Teza mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs e zhvler\u00ebson besimin, i cili ka qen\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht i p\u00ebrhapur se koha e nacionalizmit ka kaluar p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb dhe se tani gjendemi n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e shoq\u00ebrive multinacionale dhe multikulturore dhe q\u00eb po ashtu jemi n\u00eb prag t\u00eb er\u00ebs postnacionale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb qoft\u00ebse e pranojm\u00eb intenc\u00ebn e tez\u00ebs mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb pyesim, a ekzistojn\u00eb disa arsye t\u00eb thella t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb re t\u00eb nacionalizmit, i cili gjith\u00ebsesi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb evident n\u00eb vendet postkomuniste, por si fenomen \u00ebsht\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm edhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

Manifestimi i p\u00ebrleshjeve nd\u00ebrnacionale si konflikt i identiteve<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb kushtet e etnifikimit t\u00eb politk\u00ebs vijat kryesore t\u00eb ndarjeve politike dhe format kryesore t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve kryesore, b\u00ebhen konflikte t\u00eb identiteteve kolektive. P\u00ebr dallim prej konflikteve t\u00eb zakonshme t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb ndryshme, konfliktet e identiteteve (n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast konfliktet etnike) kan\u00eb disa cil\u00ebsi specifike, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb mundur t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen qart\u00eb n\u00eb map\u00ebn e konflikteve t\u00eb ish Jugosllavis\u00eb socialiste.<\/p>\n

Cil\u00ebsia e par\u00eb<\/strong> dhe m\u00eb e dukshme e konfliktit t\u00eb identiteteve n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsi, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb konflikteve etnike ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ngarkes\u00eb e madhe emocionale, nj\u00eb novel i lart\u00eb i pasioneve dhe i ndjenjave t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, ose t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb akter\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier n\u00eb konflikt.<\/p>\n

Mu p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye ato lloje konfliktesh shpesh, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo adekuate, quhen konflikte iracionale. Ndarja sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs konflikti i interesave materiale i takon grupit racional, nd\u00ebrsa konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike i p\u00ebrksain grupit t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve iracionale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e sakt\u00eb, sepse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala mbi kund\u00ebrshtimet dhe dallimet mbi cil\u00ebsit\u00eb racionale apo iracionale t\u00eb konflikteve, por p\u00ebr faktin se p\u00ebr kuptimin e konflikteve etnike komponenta racionale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mjaftueshme.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrndryshe, emocionet dhe p\u00ebrmbajtjet e tjera t\u00eb pranishme mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj t\u00eb konflikteve nuk duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb, parimisht ato as nuk jan\u00eb iracionale. E dyta<\/strong>, n\u00eb konfliktet e identiteteve si ato individuale dhe kolektive, shpesh mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet gadishm\u00ebria e pal\u00ebve n\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb sakrifikojn\u00eb interesat e veta ekonomike dhe t\u00eb tjera (madje dhe jet\u00ebn) n\u00ebqoft\u00ebse e vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb se realisht ose potencialisht iu \u00ebsht\u00eb rrezikuar identiteti.<\/p>\n

Ashtu ndodh q\u00eb sjelljet e akter\u00ebve n\u00eb konfliktin nd\u00ebretnik na duken iracionale, si dhe drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr ata vet\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb aketer\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt ose ato t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e mbrojn\u00eb pozicionin e tyre, gjejn\u00eb arsyetime p\u00ebr sjelljet e tilla duke u thirrur n\u00eb pozicionin dhe pik\u00ebpmajet emotive, morale dhe historike, apo t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb vlerave n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Cil\u00ebsia e tret\u00eb<\/strong> e k\u00ebtyre konflikteve lidhet me at\u00eb t\u00eb sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendurin. Prania e pasioneve dhe e ndjenjave me nj\u00eb intensitet t\u00eb lart\u00eb, e kusht\u00ebzon dhe e shpjegon pjes\u00ebrisht faktin se fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr tipin e konflikteve q\u00eb mund t\u00eb quhet eskluziv.
\nAto jan\u00eb konflikte shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb cilat parimisht i p\u00ebrkasin tipit t\u00eb konflikteve ose\/ose, respektivisht jan\u00eb konfliktet n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat shkalla e eskluzivitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e madhe, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa niveli i toleranc\u00ebs n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i ul\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrndryshe, rrezikimi i identitetit social t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb grupi shoq\u00ebror shpie deri te reaksione t\u00eb ngjashme si dhe situata t\u00eb rrezikimit t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb individit, i cili angazhohet me t\u00ebr\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e vet p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e identitetit personal.<\/p>\n

Multikultura dhe politika<\/strong><\/p>\n

E kat\u00ebrta<\/strong>, cil\u00ebsi me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi e konfliktit t\u00eb identiteteve, n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb saj dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve nd\u00ebrnacionale apo etnike \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe prania e rolit t\u00eb frik\u00ebs. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb frika nga tjetri, frika nga grupi etnik i cili konsiderohet si kund\u00ebrshtar. Dhe sikurse n\u00eb organizimin e nj\u00ebriut elementet e kanosura n\u00eb situatat e rrezikshme me t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb sekrecion apo tajitjet e disa l\u00ebngj\u00ebve nga gj\u00ebndrrat e trupit, ashtu edhe n\u00eb indin shoq\u00ebror disa bashk\u00ebsi n\u00eb kushtet e frik\u00ebs bashkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb energji sociale, e cila pret p\u00ebr t\u00eb eksploduar. Pa marr\u00eb parasysh se a \u00ebsht\u00eb frika e arsyeshme ose si\u00e7 ndodh\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb r\u00ectrillohet dhe t\u00eb imagjinohet, ajo b\u00ebhet nj\u00ebsoj nj\u00eb fakt real dhe objektiv, i cili dikton sjelljen e grupeve etnike n\u00eb konflikt. Konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish – Jugoslavis\u00eb socialiste jan\u00eb shembull i shkoqitur dhe i qart\u00eb q\u00eb e verteton k\u00ebt\u00eb. Nj\u00eb komponent i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i frik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb situata e pasiguris\u00eb, e cila b\u00ebn nj\u00eb presion t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen psikike t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje nacionale<\/strong><\/p>\n

E pesta<\/strong>, p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb nj\u00eb logjike t\u00eb konflikteve t\u00eb tilla “krejt ose asgj\u00eb”, hap\u00ebsira p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur nj\u00eb em\u00ebrues t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ose zgjidhje kompromise \u00ebsht\u00eb rrept\u00ebsisht e zvog\u00ebluar, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta definuar dhe m\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta realizuar. Parimisht, ato jan\u00eb situata n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat minimumi i k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs pal\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt k\u00ebrkon l\u00ebshime apo koncesione maksimale t\u00eb pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb konflikt. Nj\u00eb shembull tipik p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje nacionale deri te ndarja apo shk\u00ebputja e cila n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish – Jugosllavis\u00eb socialiste pal\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt shpesh i ka prur\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion shum\u00eb t\u00eb pavolitsh\u00ebm p\u00ebrkitazi me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjidhjes s\u00eb konflikteve. P\u00ebr ish republikat e Jogosllavis\u00eb dhe ish krahin\u00ebn autonome t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar t\u00eb b\u00ebhen shtete t\u00eb pavarura, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje, nga k\u00ebndi i shikimit t\u00eb tyre ka qen\u00eb i arsyesh\u00ebm dhe legjitim.<\/p>\n

Nga pik\u00ebpamja e t\u00eb gjitha atyre forcave sociale, politike, nacionale dhe ushtarake n\u00eb krye me udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjoja e kan\u00eb mbrojtur unitetin dhe sovranitetin e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb m\u00ebparshme shtet\u00ebrore Jugosllave, k\u00ebrkesat e tilla kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebsuara si secesioniste dhe t\u00eb papranueshme.
\n\u00cbsht\u00eb e kuptueshme se nd\u00ebrmjet atyre dy pik\u00ebpamjeve dhe q\u00ebndrimeve ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb vihet deri te zgjidhja kompromise, ashtu q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha projektet mbi “federat\u00ebn asimetrike”, “federat\u00ebn – konfederat\u00ebn” dhe “konfederat\u00ebn” kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar relativisht leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E gjashta<\/strong>, konfliktet e identiteteve, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike kan\u00eb paraqitur nj\u00eb veprim t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm, t\u00eb d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm dhe shkat\u00ebrrues, t\u00eb cilat n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb induksioni social i forcojn\u00eb ato ndjenja t\u00eb cilat i kan\u00eb nxitur.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebra nga manifestimet e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb zgjerim dhe p\u00ebrhapje e nj\u00eb s\u00ebmundjeje ngjit\u00ebse t\u00eb solidaritetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb rrethi m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs sesa ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u2019i quajm\u00eb nacionalist\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E shtata<\/strong>, konfliktet etnike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish Jugosllavis\u00eb kan\u00eb treguar se pjesa e atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion neutral n\u00eb konflikt ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl dhe se me zhvillimin e konflikteve grupacioni i till\u00eb e ka pasur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb mbetet neutral atje ku intensiteti i konflikteve ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n

E teta<\/strong>, n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn dhe n\u00eb tiparet psikologjike t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre llojeve t\u00eb konflikteve \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtuar spiralja e rritjes, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta ndalur. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se konflikti zgjat, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai fiton nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje sociale m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n

Ajo m\u00eb tutje do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se lloji i till\u00eb i konfliktit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb neutralizohet apo t\u00eb amortizohet n\u00eb fazat fillestare sesa m\u00eb von\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E n\u00ebnta<\/strong>, konfliktet e identiteteve, n\u00eb rradh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb konfliktet nd\u00ebrnacionale, fare leht\u00eb mund t\u2019i shmangen kontrollit. Historia \u00ebsht\u00eb plot shembuj t\u00eb cil\u00ebt tregojn\u00eb se madje edhe ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e kan\u00eb nisur, ose q\u00eb kan\u00eb dashur q\u00eb me konflikte t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb manipolojn\u00eb, pas kalimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb pragu t\u00eb caktuar nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb till\u00eb ta kontrollojn\u00eb apo ta ndalin.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nik\u00eb Gashaj Implozioni i socializmit ka shkuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb simultane me eksplodimin e nacionalizmit. Shkat\u00ebrrimi i socializmit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebtrit\u00eb multietnike dhe shtetet federative, pjes\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb i shkaktuar, dhe gjithsesi i shpejtuar, n\u00ebn presionin e nj\u00eb vale t\u00eb re dhe t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb nacionalizmit. Nj\u00ebri nga historian\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur, Erik Hobsbaum, nacionalzimin bashk\u00ebkohor […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":24116,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-43925","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-artikuj"],"yoast_head":"\nETNIFIKIMI I POLITIK\u00cbS - FJALA e LIR\u00cb<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/etnifikimi-i-politikes\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"ETNIFIKIMI I POLITIK\u00cbS - FJALA e LIR\u00cb\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nik\u00eb Gashaj Implozioni i socializmit ka shkuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb simultane me eksplodimin e nacionalizmit. Shkat\u00ebrrimi i socializmit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebtrit\u00eb multietnike dhe shtetet federative, pjes\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb i shkaktuar, dhe gjithsesi i shpejtuar, n\u00ebn presionin e nj\u00eb vale t\u00eb re dhe t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb nacionalizmit. 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Shkat\u00ebrrimi i socializmit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebtrit\u00eb multietnike dhe shtetet federative, pjes\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb i shkaktuar, dhe gjithsesi i shpejtuar, n\u00ebn presionin e nj\u00eb vale t\u00eb re dhe t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb nacionalizmit. 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