{"id":5834,"date":"2016-08-15T13:32:57","date_gmt":"2016-08-15T12:32:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=5834"},"modified":"2018-03-23T13:51:56","modified_gmt":"2018-03-23T12:51:56","slug":"religjioni-politika-shqiptaret","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/religjioni-politika-shqiptaret\/","title":{"rendered":"Religjioni, politika, shqiptar\u00ebt"},"content":{"rendered":"

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI<\/strong>, Koha<\/a> – 15\/08\/2013<\/em><\/p>\n

Koh\u00ebt e fundit, edhe pas d\u00ebshtimit, kolapsit t\u00eb sistemeve ideologjike, t\u00eb formacioneve ideologjike shoq\u00ebrore sikur jan\u00eb r\u00ebnduar polemikat, kanosjet, madje edhe konfliktet mbi baza ideologjike. \u00c7\u00ebshtjet ideore, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsia etnike, religjioze, qytet\u00ebruese etj, p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00ebsh jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se pozita, mir\u00ebqenia ekonomike-sociale e individit, apo kolektivit. N\u00ebse konfliktet mbi baza etnike kan\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje n\u00eb realitet, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ekzistimit real t\u00eb politikave naziste, kolonialiste, hegjemoniste, f\u00ebrkimet dhe konfliktet mbi baza religjioze duken tejet konfuze, mistike, ngaq\u00eb nuk mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb realitet.<\/p>\n

\u00c7udit\u00ebrisht ka filluar t\u00eb veproj\u00eb nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm q\u00eb konfliktet e natyrshme politike i transformon, i trajt\u00ebson si p\u00ebrplasje religjionesh, qytet\u00ebrimesh. Gjithsesi kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb djall\u00ebzi, sa perfide po aq cinike: ata q\u00eb s’mund t’i arsyetojn\u00eb politikisht dhe logjikisht projektet e tyre anakronike p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe shtetin, mjesht\u00ebrisht e nd\u00ebrrojn\u00eb tem\u00ebn, shkakun e kontestit. Bie fjala, sipas k\u00ebtyre diskurseve mashtruese, n\u00eb Irak nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me regjimin despotik t\u00eb Sadam Huseinit, por me nj\u00eb kryq\u00ebzat\u00eb re, me luft\u00ebn n\u00eb mes t\u00eb krishterimit “agresiv” dhe islamit “m\u00ebshir\u00ebplot\u00eb”.<\/p>\n

Kjo makineri propaganduese ishte n\u00eb konfuzion t\u00eb plot\u00eb kur bota krishtere (t’i p\u00ebrdorim k\u00ebto nocione t\u00eb parap\u00eblqyeshme p\u00ebr manipuluesit politik) i mori n\u00eb mbrojtje mysliman\u00ebt e Ballkanit nga vet\u00eb krishter\u00ebt. Fshehja pas paravaneve, vlerave t\u00eb pakontestueshme, si kombi, feja, kultura \u00ebsht\u00eb varianti m\u00eb i p\u00ebrhapur i legjitimitetit politik n\u00eb mjedise me tradit\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr demokratike.<\/p>\n

Mbrojtja<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse k\u00ebto instrumentalizime t\u00eb religjionit kan\u00eb efekte pragmatike p\u00ebr popuj t\u00eb nj\u00eb religjioni, p\u00ebr popuj dhe shtete me shum\u00eb besime, si Shqip\u00ebria dhe shqiptar\u00ebt mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb efekte katastrofike. K\u00ebto ide, k\u00ebto metoda manipulative, k\u00ebto stereotipe, p\u00ebrmes mekanizmave globalizuese kan\u00eb filluar t’i kontaminojn\u00eb edhe mjediset tona, duke filluar nga figura e Baba Dimrit, t\u00eb cilin ish-kryetari i Bosnje-Hercegovin\u00ebs, i ndjeri A. Izetbegoviq e shpalli si vler\u00eb joislame, e deri te teorit\u00eb apologjetike p\u00ebr rolin e religjionit n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e identitetit komb\u00ebtar. Deri m\u00eb tani, kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtyre rrezatimeve jemi mbrojtur shpirt\u00ebrisht, por kjo m\u00eb nuk mjafton. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb potencialit dhe intensitetit globalizues t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre propagandave, aspak sublime, jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik kulturat, mend\u00ebsit\u00eb, p\u00ebrvojat e popujve t\u00eb vegj\u00ebl, prandaj duhet t\u00eb aktivizohet mbrojtja konjitive, q\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb i zbulon manipulimet, pra politizimin e religjionit, arabizimin e islamit, orientalizimin e kulturave per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

Shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb shekullin XX mezi arrit\u00ebn ta shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb harduerin<\/em>, qenien e tyre fizike, n\u00eb shekullin XXI hyn\u00eb pa projekte p\u00ebr mbrojtje t\u00eb softuerit<\/em>, t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre. Ky punim m\u00ebton t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion konjitiv, p\u00ebr ta ndar\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb shapin nga sheqeri. N\u00eb shekullin 20-t\u00eb jan\u00eb shkruar shum\u00eb libra me p\u00ebrmbajtje eskatologjike, ku ofrohen argumente p\u00ebr ekzistimin e nj\u00eb tendence determinante historike, eskatologjike q\u00eb shpie drejt q\u00ebllimit p\u00ebrfundimtar. Por, ndikim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh kan\u00eb pasur kryesisht tre autor\u00eb: Osfwald Spengleri me librin e tij “R\u00ebnia e per\u00ebndimit<\/em>“, Semjuel Fukujama me librin “Njeriu i fundit dhe fundi i historis\u00eb<\/em>” dhe Semjuel Hantingtoni me librin “P\u00ebrplasja e qytet\u00ebrimeve<\/em>“. Dy autor\u00ebt e fundit kan\u00eb p\u00ebsuar ndikim evident nga autori i par\u00eb dhe vepra e tij voluminoze e ndar\u00eb n\u00eb kat\u00ebr libra. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta autor\u00eb s\u00eb bashku, sheshazi jan\u00eb n\u00ebn ndikimin e filozofis\u00eb eskatologjike t\u00eb Hegelit. Ve\u00e7oj k\u00ebta autor\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak se ata merren me nj\u00eb tem\u00eb, q\u00eb ngjall tej mase kureshtjen e njeriut p\u00ebr gjenez\u00ebn e fenomeneve dhe p\u00ebrfundimin e proceseve n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb mes tyre ka dallime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha tematike, megjithat\u00eb k\u00ebta autor\u00eb kan\u00eb di\u00e7ka t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt: anticipimin e proceseve historike<\/em>. Pas parashikimeve t\u00eb Semjuel Hantingtonit p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn religjioze t\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimeve dhe t\u00eb konflikteve, askush nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb indiferent ndaj k\u00ebsaj skeme. Hantingtoni ofroi nj\u00eb pandehm\u00eb, nj\u00eb skem\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkaq t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, shkenc\u00ebtar\u00eb, gazetar\u00eb dhe opinionist\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm e mbushin at\u00eb me material dhe p\u00ebrmbajtje t\u00eb ndryshme. K\u00ebto parashikime ogurzeza ve\u00e7mas jan\u00eb tep\u00ebr shqet\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt, t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb tri religjione bazike: katolik<\/em>, ortodoks<\/em> dhe mysliman<\/em>. Shqip\u00ebria dhe populli shqiptar nuk njeh antagonizma t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj natyre, por t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn, harmonin\u00eb, do t\u00eb thoshim paradoksale, unikale, q\u00eb befason, intrigon kureshtjen dhe ushqen shpres\u00ebn. Studiuesi shqiptar, i porsainformuar me teorin\u00eb e Hantigtonit duket si ai studenti i Hegelit, i cili reagon pas d\u00ebgjimit t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb historike t\u00eb tij duke th\u00ebn\u00eb: “Zoti profesor, megjithat\u00eb faktet nuk p\u00ebrputhen me teorin\u00eb tuaj<\/em>“. Hegeli ndalet dhe i p\u00ebrgjigjet: “aq m\u00eb keq p\u00ebr faktet<\/em>“. A thua Hantigtoni mund t’i thot\u00eb ndonj\u00eb studiuesi shqiptar: “aq me keq p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

(Po, i thot\u00eb – prandaj jemi kombi m\u00eb i prapambetur dhe m\u00eb i paorganizuar n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb si shqiptar\u00eb, sepse kemi anarki fetare, e p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb anarki sociale – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Argumenti <\/strong><\/p>\n

Rasti i harmonis\u00eb idilike religjioze n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi argument kund\u00ebr teoris\u00eb politiko-filozofike t\u00eb Hantigtonit. Argument edhe m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb brumi i religjionit. T\u00eb tre religjionet monoteiste, judaike, krishtere dhe islame ng\u00ebrthejn\u00eb n\u00eb vete elemente dhe shpjegime identike, q\u00eb vetvetiu nuk ofrojn\u00eb asnj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr konflikt. Dihet mir\u00ebfilli se krishterimi huazoi nga judaizmi element\u00ebt kryesore si:
\n1. historin\u00eb sakrale, gjenez\u00ebn, eskatologjin\u00eb;
\n2. konceptet mbi drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, filantropin\u00eb;
\n3. konceptet mbi etik\u00ebn, 10 urdh\u00ebresat;
\n4. konceptet p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarit e Zotit, mesianizmin;
\n5. konceptet mbi bot\u00ebn e amshuar etj.
\nHuazimet judaike dhe t\u00eb krishtera n\u00eb fen\u00eb islame jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb konkretizuara.<\/p>\n

Libri i shenjt\u00eb, Kur’ani pranon vler\u00ebn e librave t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb dhe i trajton si t\u00eb barabart\u00eb popujt e librave t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb ( Ah’r-ul Kitap). N\u00eb asnj\u00ebrin nga k\u00ebta libra t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb nuk gjenden mesazhe ose argumente p\u00ebr nxitje t\u00eb konfliktit. Motivet luft\u00ebnxit\u00ebse, konfliktuoze duhen k\u00ebrkuar n\u00eb sfera t\u00eb tjera, q\u00eb instrumentalizojn\u00eb religjionin p\u00ebr interesa joreligjioze, pra nacionale, grupore, ekonomike etj. Zigmund Frojdi me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb fliste p\u00ebr dukurin\u00eb e fetishizimit t\u00eb dallimeve t\u00eb vogla. Gjat\u00eb historis\u00eb shpeshher\u00eb dallimet e vogla jan\u00eb fetishizuar, duke shkaktuar k\u00ebshtu konflikte t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme, urrejtje t\u00eb thella. Rasti i fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb ai Bosnje-Hercegovin\u00ebs. Tre popuj me dallime minimale hyn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb konfliktit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjaksh\u00ebm, tragjik dhe absurd. Shtrohet pyetja, a ishte feja ajo q\u00eb nxiti k\u00ebt\u00eb konflikt apo di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr?<\/p>\n

(Si baz\u00eb, feja, po! – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Ashtu si n\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, feja u instrumentalizua n\u00eb dy drejtime: – N\u00eb formim t\u00eb identitetit komb\u00ebtar; – N\u00eb arsyetim t\u00eb krimit Qytetar\u00ebt e Bosnje-Hercegovin\u00ebs q\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb, madje dhe t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin dialekt, jekavishten, nj\u00eb origjin\u00eb, zakone dhe kultur\u00eb t\u00eb thuash identike, hyn\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb ve\u00e7antive etnike, duke instrumentalizuar religjionin. Sipas k\u00ebsaj skeme kroat\u00ebt u identifikuan me katolicizmin, serb\u00ebt me ortodoksizmin, nd\u00ebrkaq boshnjak\u00ebt me islamizmin. Identiteti i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt paraprak u shkat\u00ebrrua duke i fetishizuar dallimet e vogla, pra duke spikatur p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsit\u00eb formale religjioze dhe jo p\u00ebrmbajtjet religjioze, q\u00eb afirmojn\u00eb respektin, m\u00ebshir\u00ebn, dashurin\u00eb ndaj nj\u00ebritjetrit. N\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Bosnj\u00ebs u pa gjith\u00e7ka, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 respektit, m\u00ebshir\u00ebs dhe dashuris\u00eb njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n

Burimi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pra, ku ta k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb burimin e konfliktit: te Frojdi, te Hantigtoni, apo diku tjet\u00ebr? (Te Frojdi – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>). N\u00ebse ndjekim rrug\u00ebn e Frojdit do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojm\u00eb te teorit\u00eb psikologjiste, te konceptet shum\u00eb interesante mbi fenomenin e narcisizmit t\u00eb grupit. (Dhe tek konceptet e nekrofilis\u00eb fetare dhe te p\u00ebrfundimet, q\u00eb ai nxjerr tek libri “E ardhmja e nj\u00eb iluzioni” – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>). Nd\u00ebrkaq, n\u00ebse ndjekim rrug\u00ebn e Hantingtonit do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojm\u00eb n\u00eb konceptet eskatologjike mbi historin\u00eb. T\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto teori mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb interesante p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar gjendjen, por jo momenti dhe arsyet e shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb konfliktit.<\/p>\n

(Teorit\u00eb e Fojdit po t\u00eb njihen mir\u00eb, e japin edhe arsyen p\u00ebr tek konfliktet fetare e shoq\u00ebrore, si konflikte t\u00eb pavet\u00ebdijes, q\u00eb nuk kontrollohen nga vet\u00ebdija… – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>).<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

T\u00eb tre popujt e Bosnj\u00ebs q\u00eb jetonin n\u00eb harmoni t\u00eb plot\u00eb dhe n\u00eb interaksion produktiv, menj\u00ebher\u00eb u “shkalluan”, filluan t\u00eb ndahen, si shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb ashtu dhe individ\u00ebt, madje edhe martesat e p\u00ebrziera dhe nis\u00ebn ta kundrojn\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin p\u00ebrmes tyt\u00ebs s\u00eb pushk\u00ebs. Pse ndodhi kjo katrahur\u00eb? P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb teorive fataliste apo p\u00ebr shkaqe konkrete? Mendoj se duhet analizuar nj\u00eb veti tjet\u00ebr e qenies njer\u00ebzore, q\u00eb e akseleron procesin historik, i nxit luft\u00ebrat. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb faktor kan\u00eb folur filozof\u00ebt n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha periudhat historike duke filluar nga Platoni deri te Hegeli dhe Fukujama. Ky atribut i qenies njer\u00ebzore \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja inherente p\u00ebr trajtes\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb nga tjetri. Pabarazia gjithmon\u00eb nxit energji reaguese p\u00ebr ta vendosur barazin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb SHTETIN e Platonit kjo energji \u00ebsht\u00eb quajtur THIMOS. Jugosllavia hyri n\u00eb fazat konfliktuoze kur Millosheviqi u b\u00eb bart\u00ebs, nxit\u00ebs i projektit t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fjali emblematike e p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb angazhimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb politik\u00eb, q\u00eb e paralajm\u00ebroi degjenerimin. N\u00eb vizit\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ai, duke marr\u00eb n\u00eb mbrojtje turm\u00ebn serbe, q\u00eb e prishte rendin dhe sulmonte policin\u00eb iu drejtua polic\u00ebve duke klithur: “Askush nuk ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb rrah\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb popull<\/em>“. Them emblematike p\u00ebr shkak se n\u00eb t\u00eb struket virusi i destruksionit t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb vlerave. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb fjali ai n\u00eb thelb inauguroi standardet e dyfishta dhe parcializimin, ngushtimin e parimeve morale q\u00eb vetvetiu kan\u00eb natyr\u00eb universale.<\/p>\n

Kjo klithje, ky mesazh duhet kuptuar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e vet, me pasojat q\u00eb ndodh\u00ebn: nj\u00eb popull i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb mbrohet, nd\u00ebrkaq popujt e tjer\u00eb mund t\u00eb rrihen, vriten, masakrohen etj. Bazuar n\u00eb religjion, vlerat morale p\u00ebr nga natyra e tyre, pra, jan\u00eb universale, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton se asnj\u00eb popull nuk duhet t\u00eb rrihet, t\u00eb vritet, t\u00eb persekutohet etj. Pra, ky projekt hegjemonist nxiti luft\u00ebn, reagimet, kund\u00ebrv\u00ebniet thimotike t\u00eb boshnjak\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, q\u00eb u ngrit\u00ebn kund\u00ebr pabarazis\u00eb q\u00eb ofronte Millosheviqi, nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh edhe si bajraktar i projekteve t\u00eb ngjashme hegjemoniste t\u00eb institucioneve serbe. A ishte religjioni q\u00eb e futi Millosheviqin n\u00eb konflikt, apo vet\u00eb Millosheviqi e futi religjionin n\u00eb konflikt? Pa m\u00ebdyshje q\u00ebndron kjo e dyta. Atij iu desh p\u00ebrkrahja e religjionit dhe e institucioneve t\u00eb tij, p\u00ebr t’i dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb vler\u00eb hyjnore misionit t\u00eb tij, n\u00eb esenc\u00eb profan dhe banal. Sakralizimi i misioneve banale historike \u00ebsht\u00eb mekanizmi q\u00eb impenjon religjionin n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Kisha ortodokse serbe mezi e priti k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj oferte, me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga margjinat e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, ku kishte hyr\u00eb gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb komunizmit.<\/p>\n

Ky institucion e k\u00ebmbeu hyjnoren, sakralen, shpirt\u00ebroren me materialen, me nj\u00eb relevanc\u00eb t\u00eb re politiko-shoq\u00ebrore. Humbja e relevanc\u00ebs gjeostrategjike dhe gjeopolitike t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb vendosi n\u00eb sprov\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn e ekzistimit t\u00eb vet\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb. Kjo sprov\u00eb nxori n\u00eb pah karakterin hegjemonist serb t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur k\u00ebt\u00eb hegjemoni u prodhua Millosheviqi, i cili vazhdimisht k\u00ebrkonte elemente t\u00eb reja t\u00eb legjitimimit. Ato i gjente n\u00eb teorit\u00eb e ndryshme t\u00eb konspiracionit, apo te institucionet fetare, por kurrsesi n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjet teologjike t\u00eb librave t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb k\u00ebtij allishverishi g\u00ebnjeshtar humb\u00ebn t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt: Millosheviqi lirin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkaq Kisha Ortodokse-Serbe q\u00eb b\u00ebri pakt me djallin, u profanizua duke damkosur past\u00ebrtin\u00eb e besimit. \u00c7\u00ebshtja m\u00eb delikate, m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitimimi. Zakonisht ata q\u00eb s’kan\u00eb ofert\u00eb reale, t\u00eb operacionalizuar deri n\u00eb detaje, k\u00ebt\u00eb munges\u00eb e fshehin me oferta t\u00eb rrejshme, duke thirrur n\u00eb ndihm\u00eb Zotin, moralin dhe idet\u00eb e tjera sublime, nd\u00ebrkaq ata q\u00eb s’kan\u00eb durim t\u00eb merren me procedura demokratike, organizojn\u00eb revolucione.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb historis\u00eb, despot\u00ebt, mbret\u00ebrit, perandor\u00ebt, duke mos \u00e7ar\u00eb kok\u00ebn p\u00ebr procedurat lodh\u00ebse demokratike t\u00eb legjitimimit, shpeshher\u00eb jan\u00eb thirrur n\u00eb legjitimitet suprem. (Si\u00e7 po vepron Erdogani tani n\u00eb Turqi, e fundi dihet mjaft mir\u00eb – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>) Sipas k\u00ebtij mekanizmi manipulativ, prij\u00ebsi, lideri \u00ebsht\u00eb i zgjedhur nga Zoti, ka zbritur nga lart, nga qielli (descensus), ose p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb veprave t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u00ebsht\u00eb ngjitur lart (ascensus). N\u00ebse lideri fiton legjitimitet t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb t\u00eb pakontestuesh\u00ebm, sublim, hyjnor, at\u00ebher\u00eb manipulimi me popullin e turm\u00ebzuar b\u00ebhet i leht\u00eb. Jepen dhe pranohen leht\u00eb urdhrat p\u00ebr aksione vet\u00eb-vras\u00ebse dhe vras\u00ebse ngaq\u00eb prij\u00ebsi, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb Zotit k\u00ebrkon dhe e lejon k\u00ebt\u00eb. N\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb Zotit, p\u00ebr ta madh\u00ebruar at\u00eb vriten krijesat e tjera, t\u00eb pafajshme t\u00eb Zotit. Terrori dhe terrorizmi arsyetohet me Zotin. Kjo blasfemi shfaqet si doktrin\u00eb e terrorizmit theokratik.<\/p>\n

Identiteti<\/strong><\/p>\n

Tani t\u00eb analizojm\u00eb rastin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb harmonike bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb t\u00eb tre religjionet monoteiste, por n\u00eb dallim nga Bosnja nuk ka konflikt edhe pse qendrat e ndryshme strategjike, n\u00eb Beograd e gjetiu punojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t’i nxitur ato. Arsyeja e par\u00eb q\u00eb ndikon t\u00eb mos shfaqen armiq\u00ebsit\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e formimit t\u00eb identitetit komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. Ky identitet \u00ebsht\u00eb formuar mbi baz\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb etnike, mbi tradit\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt tolerante, q\u00eb nuk prodhon segregimin e \u00e7far\u00ebdo p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsie. Element kryesor n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e identitetit komb\u00ebtar vazhdimisht, n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha periudhat historike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb feja por gjuha, rrjedhimisht tradita dhe kultura q\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb baz\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb origjin\u00eb t\u00eb sakt\u00eb komb\u00ebtare dhe nuk kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr elemente t\u00eb tjera p\u00ebr ta spikatur, p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb veprim at\u00eb fenomen t\u00eb fetishizimit t\u00eb dallimeve t\u00eb vogla. Populli shqiptar, unik dhe i dalluesh\u00ebm, n\u00eb krahasim me popujt e Bosnj\u00ebs, apo popujve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb hyn\u00eb n\u00eb konflikte religjioze, i ngjason atij individit q\u00eb ka afinitete dhe atribute t\u00eb ndryshme, t\u00eb cilat arrin t’i baraspeshoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyeshme dhe harmonike. K\u00ebto veti, k\u00ebto atribute i ndien si t\u00eb vetat, si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb identitetit e jo si kontradikta q\u00eb e p\u00ebr\u00e7ajn\u00eb personalitetin. Argumenti i dyt\u00eb pse nuk pati konflikt n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti historik. N\u00eb rastin e par\u00eb, pra atij t\u00eb Bosnje-Hercegovin\u00ebs kishim t\u00eb b\u00ebnim me nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm historik, shthurjen e Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe hapjen e kauzave t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta komb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb karakterit monolit t\u00eb saj, t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb nuk ndodhi ky fenomen i shthurjes. \u00c7’\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, n\u00eb vitin 1997 pati nj\u00eb shthurje t\u00eb form\u00ebs, konkretisht t\u00eb regjimit, por jo dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vit t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ndodhi nj\u00eb mrekulli, q\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb mund t\u00eb shpjegohet racionalisht. Populli grabiti arm\u00ebt nga depot, por nuk ndodhi asnj\u00eb vrasje qoft\u00eb dhe grindje mbi baza religjioze, etnike, politike apo rajonale. T\u00eb gjitha konfliktet ishin t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs kriminogjene ose t\u00eb hakmarrjes individuale. Kjo shpjegohet deri diku me faktin se historikisht n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nuk jan\u00eb prodhuar projekte q\u00eb provokojn\u00eb pabarazin\u00eb mbi \u00e7far\u00ebdo baze, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb nxitnin ato energji thimotike q\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtojn\u00eb ndryshimin e relacioneve t\u00eb pabarabarta n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Ta p\u00ebrfundoj mendimin, n\u00eb vitin 1997 ra nga provimi forma ose regjimi por jo p\u00ebrmbajtja, kohezioni i brendsh\u00ebm i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare. Spikatja e faktorit religjioz si faktor konfliktuoz b\u00ebhet p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb projekteve politike dhe kurrsesi religjioze. N\u00eb historin\u00eb e njer\u00ebzimit gjithmon\u00eb kan\u00eb ekzistuar energji protofashiste q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebrputhur kurr\u00eb me opsionin religjioz, por veprimi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb toleruar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb fuqis\u00eb p\u00ebr t’i kontrolluar ato, ose p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb oportunitetit t\u00eb faktorit religjioz.<\/p>\n

(N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e nd\u00ebr shqiptar\u00eb nuk ka patur konflikte fetare, p\u00ebr shkak se shqiptar\u00ebt si rac\u00eb e lart\u00eb evropiane, q\u00eb ishin, kurr\u00eb nuk e pranuan fen\u00eb si t\u00eb tyren, por si fenomen i ardhur nga jasht\u00eb – shqiptar\u00ebt nuk u dhan\u00eb kurr\u00eb pas fes\u00eb, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se pas interesave t\u00eb tyre nacionale. Por nuk duhet harruar, se shoq\u00ebria shqiptare ka humbur shum\u00eb vlera t\u00eb rac\u00ebs s\u00eb lart\u00eb, nga pushtimi i gjat\u00eb turko-osman, islamizimi e p\u00ebrzierja e rac\u00ebs, k\u00ebshtu me l\u00ebvizjet shoq\u00ebrore dhe me shumat e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb parave, q\u00eb po hyjn\u00eb nga qarqet turko – arabe k\u00ebto vitet e fundit, e duke e mbushur vendin me sht\u00ebpia saude, mund t\u00eb mos jemi imun\u00eb si shoq\u00ebri kundrejt k\u00ebtyre akteve terroriste ose t\u00eb radikalizimit t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Politika<\/strong><\/p>\n

Religjioni buron nga nevoja imanente e njeriut p\u00ebr paqe dhe siguri, pra nga frika dhe dashuria njer\u00ebzore. Kur politizohet religjioni, relacioni imanent frik\u00eb-dashuri shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb urrejtje-dashuri, t\u00eb imponuar nga jasht\u00eb. Politika, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn ajo m\u00eb elementare, p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrforcuar relevanc\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, sh\u00ebrbehet me metod\u00ebn q\u00eb i nxit proceset polarizuese n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Ky polarizim, kjo skem\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb prodhon mikun n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr armikun. Religjioni q\u00eb pranon t\u00eb instrumentalizohet n\u00eb politik\u00eb, k\u00ebt\u00eb polarizim e manifeston si “urrejtje-dashuri”. Urrehet kryqi, afirmohet gjysm\u00ebh\u00ebna dhe anasjelltas. N\u00eb vet\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjen religjioze nuk ka baz\u00eb p\u00ebr urrejtje t\u00eb tilla, meq\u00eb urrejtja \u00ebsht\u00eb element i huaj n\u00eb sistemin e vlerave religjioze.<\/p>\n

Millosheviqi ishte nj\u00eb variant banal ballkanik i nj\u00eb kronike tejet cinike t\u00eb instrumentalizimit t\u00eb fes\u00eb n\u00eb politike apo t\u00eb politik\u00ebs n\u00eb fe. Ky antagoniz\u00ebm mes politik\u00ebs dhe religjionit, n\u00eb mes t\u00eb militarizmit protofashist dhe dashuris\u00eb, m\u00ebshir\u00ebs religjioze \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb thuash ontologjik dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb prezent gjat\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit. Krishterimi q\u00eb nga fillimi i ka afirmuar idet\u00eb e barazis\u00eb, m\u00ebshir\u00ebs, toleranc\u00ebs, dashuris\u00eb ndaj njeriut. Me k\u00ebto vlera arriti ta p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsonte vegj\u00eblin\u00eb, derisa nuk i l\u00ebkundi themelet e degjeneruara t\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb Romake, derisa nuk arriti ta posht\u00ebroj\u00eb arroganc\u00ebn e mbret\u00ebrve dhe pushtetmbajt\u00ebsve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. N\u00eb shekullin e 5-t\u00eb, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e perandorit Konstandin<\/em> ndodhi kthesa q\u00eb mund t\u00eb quhet fundamentalizimi i par\u00eb i shtetit: perandoria romake kristianizohet, shteti dor\u00ebzohet para vlerave t\u00eb nj\u00ebmendta kristiane. Mir\u00ebpo kjo ishte vet\u00ebm pik\u00ebnisja, sepse element\u00eb protofashist\u00eb nuk dor\u00ebzoheshin, jo vet\u00ebm si individ\u00eb, por edhe si tradit\u00eb epike q\u00eb buronte nga sistemi i vlerave helenike ku himnizoheshin heronjt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Lufta, konflikti mes elementit religjioz human dhe atij protofashist luftarak n\u00eb fazat e m\u00ebvonshme u harmonizua me nj\u00eb pakt t\u00eb heshtur. Lufta nuk u lejua brenda element\u00ebve t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi, por u lejua kund\u00ebr element\u00ebve t\u00eb sistemeve t\u00eb tjera, kund\u00ebr jokrishter\u00ebve dhe krijesave t\u00eb djall\u00ebzuara. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn e k\u00ebtij pakti t\u00eb vendosur mes element\u00ebve militarist\u00eb dhe religjioz\u00eb lindin kryq\u00ebzatat dhe inkuizicioni. Paraprakisht, Sh\u00ebn Augustini, n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e tij “Shteti i per\u00ebndis\u00eb<\/em>” e legalizoi dihotomin\u00eb, pra ndarjen n\u00eb mes t\u00eb qiellit dhe tok\u00ebs, mbretit dhe pap\u00ebs, materies dhe shpirtit etj. Tradita evropiane \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb pakt. Prandaj, tradita evropiane nuk mund t\u00eb reduktohet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb at\u00eb kristiane, por edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb helenike. Vet\u00eb krishterizmi, nga ana tjet\u00ebr nga helenizmi huazoi metafizik\u00ebn, q\u00eb nuk ekziston fare n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn judaike.<\/p>\n

Identiteti i shqiptar\u00ebve<\/strong><\/p>\n

Filozofi i njohur austro-amerikan Erich Fromm n\u00eb librin e tij “T\u00eb kesh dhe t\u00eb jesh<\/em>” shtron nj\u00eb pyetje provokative: “A u kristianizua vall\u00eb Evropa?<\/em>” N\u00eb vazhdim t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj pyetje ai konstaton se “me gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjet pozitive, analiza m\u00eb e af\u00ebrt tregon se konvertimi i Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb krishteriz\u00ebm ishte i rrejsh\u00ebm dhe se n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr krishterizim t\u00eb pjessh\u00ebm, prej shekullit 12-t\u00eb deri n\u00eb at\u00eb 16-t\u00eb dhe se para dhe pas k\u00ebsaj periudhe konvertimi ka qen\u00eb vet\u00ebm ideologji, pak a shum\u00eb nj\u00eb n\u00ebnshtrim ndaj kish\u00ebs<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe kisha u p\u00ebrpoq t’i zbatoj\u00eb parimet kristiane q\u00eb kishin t\u00eb b\u00ebnin me pron\u00ebn, \u00e7mimet, ndihm\u00ebn ndaj t\u00eb varf\u00ebrve etj. Frommi, n\u00eb vazhdim t\u00eb analiz\u00ebs s\u00eb tij konstaton se heroi kristian ishte martiri, ngaq\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb periudh\u00eb, ngjash\u00ebm si n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn judaike, q\u00ebllimi m\u00eb sublim ishte flijimi i jet\u00ebs p\u00ebr Zotin, ose p\u00ebr t\u00eb af\u00ebrmin. Martiri \u00ebsht\u00eb koncept diametralisht i kund\u00ebrt me heroin pagan, q\u00eb buron nga tradita helene apo gjermane. Q\u00ebllimi i heroit \u00ebsht\u00eb pushtimi, fitorja, destruksioni, pla\u00e7kitja, krenaria, pushteti, fama\u2026 Heroi pagan me endje vdes n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e betej\u00ebs. Iliada e Homerit e glorifikon k\u00ebt\u00eb tipar t\u00eb heroit. Aktualisht ky koncept i heroit vazhdon t\u00eb glorifikohet n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn e re evropiane, n\u00eb loj\u00ebrat olimpike. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn kristiane vendin e loj\u00ebrave olimpike e z\u00ebn\u00eb tablot\u00eb e vuajtjeve t\u00eb Jezu Krishtit.<\/p>\n

Religjionet nuk e nxisin konfliktin<\/strong><\/p>\n

Aktualisht brenda Unionit Evropian, por edhe n\u00eb vet\u00eb opinionin evropian zhvillohet polemik\u00eb e re lidhur m\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kushtetut\u00ebs. Vatikani insiston q\u00eb n\u00eb preambul\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet se tradita evropiane buron nga tradita kristiane, nd\u00ebrkaq politikan\u00ebt aktual\u00eb, mbase si pinjoll\u00eb, si vazhdues t\u00eb asaj tradite q\u00eb glorifikon heroin olimpik, e refuzojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Krishterimi, megjithat\u00eb nuk arriti ta krishterizoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi Evrop\u00ebn, ashtu si arriti ajo ta evropianizoj\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht at\u00eb. Analiza t\u00eb k\u00ebtilla kritike mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen edhe lidhur me tem\u00ebn e islamizimit t\u00eb shteteve arabe. Dilemat, mbase do t\u00eb ishin edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Krishterimi gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb historis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur ta qet\u00ebsoj\u00eb her\u00eb me sukses dhe her\u00eb jo at\u00eb tipar militarist protofashist, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb imanent p\u00ebr qenien njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n

Nga k\u00ebto q\u00eb tham\u00eb m\u00eb lart mund t\u00eb nxjerrim p\u00ebrfundimin se k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje nuk mund t\u00eb kategorizohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb rigjide, bardh\u00eb e zi, ashtu si veprojn\u00eb disa duke lexuar p\u00ebrciptazi, apo duke keqkuptuar traktatin politiko-filozofik t\u00eb Hantingtonit. Religjionet nuk e nxisin konfliktin, popujt nuk jan\u00eb kristianizuar apo islamizuar deri n\u00eb fund, agnosticizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq i thell\u00eb sa besimi. Krishterimi, islamizmi dhe judaizmi nuk jan\u00eb unike n\u00eb vetvete, ashtu si mund t\u00eb kuptohet nga k\u00ebto teori q\u00eb i thjesht\u00ebzojn\u00eb k\u00ebto fenomene. Fundamentalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb tendenc\u00eb imanente p\u00ebr \u00e7do religjion. Pse at\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb opinion krijohet aq shum\u00eb buj\u00eb rreth fundamentalizmit islamik? Nga urrejtja, nga projektet e fshehura kolonizuese, nga shpifjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb bartur v\u00ebmendjen opinionit nga problemet reale n\u00eb ato propaganduese, nga projektet konspirative apo nga rreziku real? Mendoj se p\u00ebrgjigja duhet k\u00ebrkuar diku tjet\u00ebr, te vonesa historike. Krishterimi q\u00eb nga koha e perandorit Konstantin e deri te ndarja definitive mes shtetit dhe kish\u00ebs, tentonte ta fundamentalizoj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, duke imponuar konceptet e veta p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet brenda shoq\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pas shum\u00eb luft\u00ebrave, konflikteve, grindjeve dhe rivalitetit q\u00eb shfaqej n\u00eb forma t\u00eb ndryshme, u arrit deri te konstatimi p\u00ebr ndarje t\u00eb roleve, t\u00eb pushteteve, pra deri te konceptet laike, sekulare. K\u00ebto procese q\u00eb dikur pat\u00ebn ndodhur n\u00eb hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb krishtera, tani kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb shfaqen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme edhe n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat ku vepron faktori islamik. Edhe pse t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se analogjit\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb n\u00eb sakt\u00ebsi t\u00eb plot\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb pasqyrimit sa m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre proceseve konfuze dhe t\u00eb mistifikuara, do t\u00eb thoshim se homeinizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb variant islamik i konstantinizmit. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, reagimi i ashp\u00ebr i vehabist\u00ebve kund\u00ebr idhujve, simboleve, kulteve dhe pandanizmit (shirkut) na duket nj\u00eb jehon\u00eb e vonuar e variantit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Moisiut (h. Mus\u00ebs) kund\u00ebr idhujtaris\u00eb. Kur u kthye nga Sinaji, Moisiu b\u00ebri nj\u00eb veprim t\u00eb thuash blasfemik kur i theu pllakat ku ishin shkruar 10 urdh\u00ebresat, t\u00eb cilat populli kishte filluar t’i adhuroj\u00eb si idhuj. Mbahet mend porosia e tij dh\u00ebn\u00eb popullit izraelit “mos ngrini p\u00ebr vete zot\u00ebr t\u00eb metalt\u00eb<\/em>“. Shum\u00eb shekuj m\u00eb von\u00eb vehabist\u00ebt u ngrit\u00ebn kund\u00ebr simboleve dhe idhujve. Aksionet e para t\u00eb tyre ishin thyerjet e pllakave t\u00eb varrezave q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbenin si idhuj t\u00eb rinj.<\/p>\n

Projektet e kamufluara<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sot n\u00eb bot\u00ebn islame ringjallen konfrontimet e kamotshme, vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrihen antagonizmat e ndrysh\u00ebm, q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb paraqitnin kurrfar\u00eb rreziku p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn, po t\u00eb ishin shfaqur n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Materiali i k\u00ebtyre antagonizmave nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak i shenjt\u00eb, por banal. Zoti, pejgamberi, vlerat dhe konceptet e ndryshme islame p\u00ebrdoren si mjete p\u00ebr legjitimim dhe delegjitimim. Sot, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e globalizmit k\u00ebto f\u00ebrkime, k\u00ebto konflikte marrin p\u00ebrmasa planetare, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb rikthimin e bot\u00ebs islamike n\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshjet e vjetra e ndiejm\u00eb edhe ne n\u00ebp\u00ebr xhamit\u00eb tona. Ka filluar ndarja e xhemateve dhe e xhamive, madje edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb laike deri n\u00eb fund, n\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga proviniencat e ndryshme politiko-fetare, t\u00eb sjella nga bota islame. K\u00ebto val\u00eb, k\u00ebto dilema, k\u00ebto mosmarr\u00ebveshje dal\u00ebngadal\u00eb, si rrath\u00eb t\u00eb koncentruar kan\u00eb filluar t’i rrezatojn\u00eb edhe hap\u00ebsirat tona. Cilat jan\u00eb karakteristikat kryesore t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre projekteve politike, q\u00eb shfaqen t\u00eb kamufluara n\u00eb petkun e islamit? N\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb ve\u00e7ohet tendenca q\u00eb formacionet shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb vendet islamike t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohen kryek\u00ebput sipas parimeve islamike, s\u00eb dyti<\/em>, duke mos ikur edhe nga dhuna tentohet q\u00eb nj\u00eb opsion, nd\u00ebr shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb paraqitet si i vetmi dhe i pakontestueshmi dhe s\u00eb treti<\/em> sforcohet politika anti-oksidentale.<\/p>\n

Historia e njer\u00ebzimit nuk njeh asnj\u00eb formacion shoq\u00ebror t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm, t\u00eb ngritur mbi parimet teokratike.<\/strong> N\u00ebse analizohet historia e popujve n\u00eb hemisfer\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore, grindjet e vazhdueshme t\u00eb mbret\u00ebrve me klerik\u00ebt, mund t\u00eb konstatohet se edhe n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat islamike do t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebriten t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat variante. Paraqitja e bot\u00ebs dhe fes\u00eb islame si nj\u00eb amalgam\u00eb unike \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb g\u00ebnjesht\u00ebr e past\u00ebr. Pasqyr\u00ebn m\u00eb reale t\u00eb konfrontimeve teologjike dhe shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb bot\u00ebn islame e paraqet Henri Laoust n\u00eb librin e tij “P\u00ebr\u00e7arjet n\u00eb Islam<\/em>“. Duke folur p\u00ebr zanafill\u00ebn e p\u00ebr\u00e7arjeve, ai citon se edhe vet\u00eb kumtuesi Muhamed ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb se ka qen\u00eb viktim\u00eb e helmimit, pasi q\u00eb ka pushtuar oaz\u00ebn judaike, Haiber. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb tij, si kalif, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo legjitime vendoset Abu Bekiri (632-634). Gjat\u00eb kalifatit t\u00eb tij, Abu Bekiri n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb arrogante i m\u00ebnjanon kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tij potencial\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb shiit\u00ebt, sot e k\u00ebsaj dite nuk ia falin atij q\u00eb nuk ia dha oaz\u00ebn Fedek Fatimes, bij\u00ebs s\u00eb kumtuesit Muhamed dhe gruas s\u00eb Aliut. Ai me k\u00ebt\u00eb politik\u00eb nuk q\u00ebndroi gjat\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe u desh, q\u00eb kalifatin t’ia dor\u00ebzoj\u00eb Umarit (634-644).<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb dhjet\u00eb viteve t\u00eb kalifatit t\u00eb tij, at\u00eb e theri me thik\u00eb nj\u00eb qytetar i Basr\u00ebs, q\u00eb nuk ishte i k\u00ebnaqur me qeverisjen e tij. At\u00eb e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoi n\u00eb postin e kalifatit, Uthmani (ose Othmani apo Osmani), i cili njihet si kalifi q\u00eb arriti t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb recensionin e Kur’anit, me \u00e7ka shiit\u00ebt mbet\u00ebn shum\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb ndryshme fisnore Uthmanin, e mbyllur n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, n\u00eb vitin 656 e vret nj\u00eb grup komplotist\u00ebsh, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Abi Bakri, i biri i kalifit t\u00eb par\u00eb. At\u00eb e z\u00ebvend\u00ebson Aliu, i cili pretendonte t\u00eb b\u00ebhej kalifi i par\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb kalifatit t\u00eb tij s\u00ebrish shfaqen kontradiktat fisnore, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb edhe ai n\u00eb xhamin\u00eb e Kuf\u00ebs p\u00ebson t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin fat dhe vritet nga dora e nj\u00eb harrixhiti, me emrin Abdurrahman Ibn Mullgam e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. K\u00ebto konflikte fisnore arabe pat\u00ebn implikime edhe n\u00eb religjion, duke shkaktuar shfaqjen e shum\u00eb sekteve, shkollave juridike q\u00eb ringjallen sot, p\u00ebr t’i fituar betejat e humbura dikur.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00eb kumtuesi Muhamed, sipas nj\u00eb hadithi, ka parashikuar q\u00eb mysliman\u00ebt pas vdekjes s\u00eb tij do t\u00eb ndahen n\u00eb 73 grupe, ashtu si paraprakisht izraelit\u00ebt n\u00eb 71 dhe t\u00eb krishter\u00ebt n\u00eb 72. K\u00ebto sekte dhe rryma n\u00eb vete nuk kan\u00eb asgj\u00eb hyjnore, por interesa banale politike. P\u00ebrmenda k\u00ebto ndasi p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb analiz\u00ebs s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb fenomenit t\u00eb unitetit brenda p\u00ebrbrenda faktorit islamik. Islami i ndar\u00eb n\u00eb sekte dhe shkolla t\u00eb ndryshme, n\u00eb sunnit, shiit, mutezilist, zeitist, ismalizist, imamizist, esharizist, imamist etj., sot p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb propagande t\u00eb shfrenuar globalizuese paraqitet si fenomen unik. Televizioni Al-Xhezaira, n\u00eb vazhd\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij koncepti iluzor t\u00eb unitetit, p\u00ebr t’i g\u00ebzuar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mysliman\u00ebt e bot\u00ebs kumton se Bin Ladeni dhe Mulla Omari qenkan gjall\u00eb e sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb. K\u00ebto variante t\u00eb unitetit jan\u00eb kopje primitive t\u00eb origjinalit per\u00ebndimor, q\u00eb shkaktojn\u00eb tragjedi planetare: “Nj\u00eb popull, nj\u00eb shtet, nj\u00eb prij\u00ebs<\/em>” (“Ein folk, ein reich, ein fuhrer<\/em>“).<\/p>\n

Banalizimi i islamit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Opsioni i unitetit islamik plasohet kryesisht n\u00eb territoret, ku popujt e besimit islam bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb me popujt e besimeve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb krishtere. Q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebsaj propagande \u00ebsht\u00eb krijimi i unitetit politik mbi baza t\u00eb anti-krishterizmit. Faza e par\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj politike \u00ebsht\u00eb polarizimi armiq\u00ebsor n\u00eb mes t\u00eb krishterimit dhe islamit. Ky projekt, pra n\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb politik dhe nuk buron fare nga librat e shenjt\u00eb. Bart\u00ebsit e k\u00ebtij polarizimi artificial, bart\u00ebsit e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij relacioni armiq\u00ebsor punojn\u00eb n\u00eb krijimin e simboleve dhe kodeve dalluese mes mysliman\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb krishter\u00ebve. Ata nuk merren shum\u00eb me thellimin e diskurseve teologjike, por merren me form\u00ebn e jashtme q\u00eb duhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb vizuale t\u00eb shfaq\u00eb dallimin perceptiv mes pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb besimeve t\u00eb ndryshme. Pra, jo pa q\u00ebllim i jepet nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi fataliste veshjes s\u00eb burrave dhe grave, duke reduktuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb besimin islam n\u00eb nj\u00eb detaj banal.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebri nga teolog\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur islamik\u00eb, Imam Gazaliu<\/em>, i nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr efektet negative t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre ideve profane p\u00ebr vet\u00eb fen\u00eb islame dhe njeriun n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, thot\u00eb: “nj\u00eb individ ose nj\u00eb grup mund t\u00eb thuhet se \u00ebsht\u00eb ose nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb brenda kornizave t\u00eb besimit islam n\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga respektimi i tre principeve bazike t\u00eb islamit:
\n1- Tef Hidi (monoteizmi, besimi n\u00eb nj\u00eb Zot, n\u00eb All’ahun xhelushan;
\n2- Nubuvvedi, besimi se Zoti, All’ahu, prej fillimit ka komunikuar m\u00eb njer\u00ebzit p\u00ebrmes kumtuesve, pejgamber\u00ebve, Muhamedi cil\u00ebsohet si i fundit;
\n3- Meada, besimi n\u00eb jet\u00ebn postmorte, ku njeriu shpagohet p\u00ebr veprat e b\u00ebra gjat\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Ai, duke i ikur banalizimit t\u00eb islamit thot\u00eb qart\u00eb se respektimi i k\u00ebtyre tre parimeve e ndan myslimanin nga jomyslimani. Madje, ai lejon q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb perceptojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme edhe vet\u00eb Zotin. Ai n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb urt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb thell\u00eb e ndan besimin e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nga shfaqjet teatrale t\u00eb religjionit. N\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebtij koncepti t\u00eb past\u00ebr teologjik b\u00ebhet i mundsh\u00ebm komunikimi produktiv nd\u00ebrfetar dhe thellimi i besimit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyre p\u00ebrsiatjeve mund t\u00eb thuhet se \u00e7do religjion, pra dhe islami \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga shum\u00eb element\u00eb. Disa prej tyre jan\u00eb konstant\u00eb, me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb dor\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb dhe disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshuesh\u00ebm, n\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga konteksti shoq\u00ebror dhe historik. Islamizmi n\u00eb vete ng\u00ebrthen t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn kat\u00ebr dimensione kryesore:
\n1- Teologjik<\/em>, i dh\u00ebn\u00eb sipas skem\u00ebs s\u00eb Imam Gazaliut, q\u00eb e p\u00ebrkufizon brumin e pandryshuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb besimit islam, obligues p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb;
\n2- Qytet\u00ebrues<\/em>, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga element\u00ebt e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb shum\u00eb kulturave, q\u00eb jan\u00eb element\u00eb n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt vlerash, t\u00eb nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimi;
\n3- Nacional<\/em>, n\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga kultura p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse, arabe, iraniane, turke, pakistaneze etj;
\n4- Social<\/em>, rregullimi i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb mbi parimet e sheriatit. (pra, diktatur\u00eb – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>)<\/p>\n

Elementet teologjike jan\u00eb t\u00eb pandryshueshme dhe obligative p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, ato me dallime t\u00eb vogla jan\u00eb identike me religjionet e ndryshme monoteiste. Fundja b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Zot. Problemi shfaqet kur feja shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ues, n\u00eb medium p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilit infiltrohen vlerat e qytet\u00ebrimeve, kulturave dhe shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb ndryshme ku dikur jan\u00eb zhvilluar betejat e pap\u00ebrfunduara politike. Bartja e k\u00ebtyre konflikteve politike t\u00eb shfaqura n\u00eb kontekstet t\u00eb tjera, shoq\u00ebrore, arabe, turke, iraniane etj., n\u00eb kontekstin shqiptar \u00ebsht\u00eb i panevojsh\u00ebm dhe fatal p\u00ebr ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb e popullit shqiptar, i formuar brenda sistemit t\u00eb vlerave t\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimit per\u00ebndimor. P\u00ebrmes mediumit religjioz barten vlera, ngjarje, personazhe, bot\u00ebkuptime t\u00eb huaja dhe nga aspekti religjioz irelevante.<\/p>\n

(P\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare evropiane, \u00ebsht\u00eb primitiviz\u00ebm referenca p\u00ebr tek kultura primitive e ideologjia beduine-arabe, \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb-vrasje sociale – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7.<\/em>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Mekanizmi i fetishizimit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre elementeve kulturore, q\u00eb s’i takojn\u00eb dogm\u00ebs fetare edhe vet\u00eb krishterimi q\u00eb praktikohet n\u00eb bot\u00ebn arabe, ka shum\u00eb elemente formale q\u00eb e dallojn\u00eb at\u00eb nga krishterimi evropian. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi duhet t\u00eb mbrohet e drejta p\u00ebr dallime n\u00eb aspektin e form\u00ebs, n\u00eb mes t\u00eb mysliman\u00ebve evropian\u00eb dhe atyre aziatik\u00eb, natyrisht pa d\u00ebmtuar p\u00ebrmbajtjen. Te l\u00ebvizjet fundamentaliste islamike shihet edhe nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb p\u00ebrkon me vones\u00ebn historike: totatilarizmi<\/em>. Sipas k\u00ebsaj mend\u00ebsie, myslimani duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht mysliman, n\u00eb \u00e7do koh\u00eb dhe n\u00eb \u00e7do ambient, identik me mysliman\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dallohet t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht nga jomysliman\u00ebt. Prandaj, ata i japin r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi form\u00ebs, duke l\u00ebn\u00eb anash p\u00ebrmbajtjen.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse ky vizion do t’i imponohet popullit shqiptar, ashtu si b\u00ebhen p\u00ebrpjekje at\u00ebher\u00eb brenda nesh do t\u00eb startoj\u00eb t\u00eb veproj\u00eb mekanizmi i fetishizimit t\u00eb dallimeve t\u00eb vogla. K\u00ebt\u00eb fenomen t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm i nxitur nga konceptet politike nuk e dallojn\u00eb disa intelektual\u00eb q\u00eb flasin dhe afirmojn\u00eb iden\u00eb e shum\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb identiteteve kulturore dhe fetare. Ata mbrojn\u00eb tez\u00ebn e ekzistimit t\u00eb identitetit islamik t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, duke mos qen\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb b\u00ebhen avoket\u00ebr t\u00eb fragmentarizimit t\u00eb qenies shqiptare dhe, pse jo t\u00eb konflikteve t\u00eb ardhshme, brenda p\u00ebrbrenda korpusit shqiptar<\/strong>. Shikuar nga aspekti teologjik, n\u00ebse lejohet q\u00eb religjioni t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktues i identitetit komb\u00ebtar, at\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrurojm\u00eb parcializimin e ides\u00eb religjioze, q\u00eb n\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb ide dhe mision universal. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb rrezatoj\u00eb vlera universale, religjioni do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb institucion q\u00eb rrezaton vlera parciale. Ky fenomen ndodhi n\u00eb Bosnje. Kisha ortodokse e la m\u00ebnjan\u00eb Zotin dhe vlerat universale, q\u00eb burojn\u00eb nga ai dhe nd\u00ebrtoi apologjin\u00eb e d\u00ebnimit t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb Zotit, realisht n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb interesave parciale nacionale.<\/p>\n

Kisha Ortodokse Serbe u vu n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb Millosheviqit, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht t\u00eb nj\u00eb koncepti aspak universal, por thjesht\u00eb segregues, hegjemonist, parcial dhe politik. Dekadenca ose th\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb qart\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimi i vizionit universal me at\u00eb parcial p\u00ebrfundon me err\u00ebsimin e mendjes dhe transformimin e religjionit n\u00eb ideologji. Kisha Ortodokse Serbe ia ktheu shpin\u00ebn Millosheviqit, jo p\u00ebr shkak se ai b\u00ebnte krime, por p\u00ebr faktin se ai nuk arriti t\u00eb realizoj\u00eb projektin parcial nacionalist serb. Transformimin e religjionit n\u00eb ideologji n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb gjeniale e ka konstatuar filozofi i dalluar Erich Fromm n\u00eb librin tij “T\u00eb kesh ose t\u00eb jesh<\/em>“. Sipas tij, n\u00ebse dikush respekton forc\u00ebn derisa predikon religjionin e dashuris\u00eb, religjioni i forc\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb religjioni i tij sekret, nd\u00ebrkaq i ashtuquajturi religjion zyrtar, bie fjala krishterimi \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb ideologji.<\/p>\n

Ta konkretizojm\u00eb m\u00eb tej k\u00ebt\u00eb vrojtim gjenial t\u00eb Fromm-it: n\u00ebse dikush intimisht e adhuron nj\u00eb grup njer\u00ebzish dhe i urren t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, nd\u00ebrsa publikisht flet p\u00ebr Zotin, ai religjionin e shnd\u00ebrron n\u00eb ideologji. Serb\u00ebt, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj dalldisjeje blasfemike pohonin me bindje se Zoti flet serbisht, pra eksluzivisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i tyre. Kish\u00ebn e Jezuit klerik\u00ebt filluan ta quajn\u00eb “svetosavska” (i Sh\u00ebn Sav\u00ebs, i njohur nga shfarosja e bogumill\u00ebve t\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs). Ngjash\u00ebm veprojn\u00eb edhe disa hoxhallar\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb. Ata duke mistifikuar, hyjnizuar gjuh\u00ebn arabe predikojn\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e p\u00ebrsh\u00ebndetjes “sealamu-alejkum” n\u00eb vend t\u00eb “Tungjatjet\u00ebs” shqiptare, me argumentim se qenka m\u00eb kuptimplote dhe m\u00eb e af\u00ebrt p\u00ebr Zotin. Hyrja e religjionit, q\u00eb vetvetiu rrezaton vlera universale, n\u00eb kall\u00ebpin nacional, pra parcial e instrumentalizon at\u00eb n\u00eb misionet krejt\u00ebsisht jo religjioze, duke e shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb ideologji ekstremiste. K\u00ebto ideologji jan\u00eb radikale ngaq\u00eb thirren n\u00eb Zot dhe krimet i b\u00ebjn\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb tij, si n\u00eb Nju Jork, m\u00eb 11 shtator 2001.<\/p>\n

(N\u00eb lidhje me dashurin\u00eb, Frojdi sqaron se njeriu \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i dashuris\u00eb s\u00eb tij dhe p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb identifikohet me objektin e dashuris\u00eb. Prandaj ata shqiptar\u00eb q\u00eb duan turkun e islamin, duan edhe Muhamedin, e p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb b\u00ebhen si ai, me mjek\u00ebr e me pantallona mbi k\u00ebrcirin e k\u00ebmb\u00ebs, pra t\u00eb arabizohen e beduinizohen nga dashuria e madhe e n\u00ebnshtrimi para Muhamedit, e jo t\u00eb evropianizohen, e kjo ka qen\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb rr\u00ebnuese p\u00ebr kombin shqiptar dhe identitetin e tij, pasi ka shqiptar\u00eb q\u00eb mbahen p\u00ebr turq, ashtu si\u00e7 ka patur e ka edhe shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb krishter\u00eb, q\u00eb kan\u00eb humbur si shum\u00eb ortodoks\u00eb n\u00eb Greqi, Maqedoni, Serbi e Mal t\u00eb Zi… – sh\u00ebnimi im A\u00c7<\/em>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

P\u00ebr\u00e7arjet, skizmat, sektarizimet…<\/strong><\/p>\n

Spikatja e rolit t\u00eb religjionit n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtim t\u00eb identitetit komb\u00ebtar, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr interesit komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb popujve q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb besime, por edhe kund\u00ebr natyr\u00ebs universale t\u00eb religjionit<\/strong>. Argumenti tjet\u00ebr kund\u00ebr ides\u00eb s\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb identitetit komb\u00ebtar mbi parime religjioze \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimi absurd i qasjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb. Sipas k\u00ebsaj logjike, n\u00eb bot\u00eb do t\u00eb ekzistonin aq kombe sa edhe religjione. P\u00ebr\u00e7arjet, skizmat, sektarizimet jan\u00eb fenomene q\u00eb shfaqen n\u00eb sistemet totalitare, qofshin ato me premisa religjioze apo politike. Diversiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb forc\u00eb dhe faktor i pamposhtur, q\u00eb gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsish\u00ebm historik ndikon n\u00eb rr\u00ebnimin e totalitarizmave. Ilir\u00ebt, arbrit rrjedhimisht edhe shqiptar\u00ebt, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto procese globale determinuese, religjioze, politike etj. pa d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e tyre.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nga aspekti shkencor \u00ebsht\u00eb guxim t\u00eb pohohet se shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb pasur reagim programatik, harmonik gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebtyre shekujve, por nga ana tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rast\u00ebsi e mrekullueshme q\u00eb d\u00ebshmon, se gjat\u00eb proceseve ndar\u00ebse iliro-shqiptar\u00ebt jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb formojn\u00eb sintez\u00ebn e re. Meq\u00eb k\u00ebto ndarje kan\u00eb pasur efekte shkat\u00ebrruese p\u00ebr qenien e tyre, ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb q\u00eb ata jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb amortizojn\u00eb k\u00ebto efekte, duke propozuar variante pajtuese. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shfaqjes s\u00eb krishterimit, t\u00eb atij apostolik q\u00eb u pranua nga ilir\u00ebt e lasht\u00eb u shfaq kriza e par\u00eb, n\u00eb mes t\u00eb paganizmit dhe krishterimit. N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb ilir\u00ebt e gjet\u00ebn formul\u00ebn pajtuese duke futur shum\u00eb kremte pagane ilire, si pjes\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse e religjionit t\u00eb ri, duke ruajtur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kontiunitetin me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, me \u00e7ka u leht\u00ebsua p\u00ebrqafimi i s\u00eb res\u00eb. Kur u shfaq kriza n\u00eb mes t\u00eb krishterimit dhe perandoris\u00eb romake, pajtimi u arrit me krishterimin e perandoris\u00eb romake. K\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebri n\u00eb vitin 325 perandori Konstantin me prejardhje ilire.<\/p>\n

Kur u shfaq skizma e par\u00eb mes kish\u00ebs lindore dhe asaj per\u00ebndimore, q\u00eb i ndante tokat iliro-shqiptare, ata u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb vendosin ura komunikimi mes dy blloqeve, duke filluar prej Koncilit t\u00eb par\u00eb deri te angazhimet e Patriarkut t\u00eb Kish\u00ebs Ortodokse me seli n\u00eb Stamboll, arvanitit Atenagora<\/em> dhe angazhimeve t\u00eb vet\u00eb N\u00ebn\u00eb Terez\u00ebs<\/strong>. K\u00ebtu nuk duhet t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb ilirin nga Dalmacia, Sh\u00ebn Jeronimin, i cili i pari e p\u00ebrktheu Bibl\u00ebn n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn latine n\u00eb shekullin e IV, si dhe perandorin Justinian, i cili duke i par\u00eb \u00e7arjet e para dhe t\u00eb pandalshme n\u00eb mes t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb lindore dhe asaj per\u00ebndimore romake, rrjedhimisht n\u00eb mes t\u00eb kish\u00ebs ortodokse dhe asaj katolike, tentoi t\u00eb gjej\u00eb zgjidhje n\u00eb formul\u00ebn e tret\u00eb, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr m\u00ebk\u00ebmbje t\u00eb Kish\u00ebs ilirike mbi baza t\u00eb krishterimit apostolik. Pra, shqiptar\u00ebt gjithmon\u00eb kan\u00eb luajtur nj\u00eb rol ekumenik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e religjionit, duke filluar nga Koncili i I i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i Kish\u00ebs (v.325) e deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme, ku shqiptar\u00ebt b\u00ebjn\u00eb \u00e7mos, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr pajtimin e dy kishave krishtere, por edhe n\u00eb mes t\u00eb krishterimit dhe islamit.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb p\u00ebrkujtojm\u00eb se n\u00eb Koncilin e I, p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb u takuan p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebs krishtere, ku rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm luajt\u00ebn, jo vet\u00ebm numerikisht por dhe n\u00eb aspektin programatik prift\u00ebrinjt\u00eb e Ilirikumit<\/em>, duke u p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb evitohen keqkuptimet lidhur me natyr\u00ebn e Zotit, natyr\u00ebn e Krishtit, me dilemat rreth Trinis\u00eb s\u00eb shenjt\u00eb dhe konsubstancialitetit t\u00eb Krishtit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb, kur nd\u00ebrtoheshin bazat e religjionit t\u00eb ri, krishterimit roli i ilir\u00ebve ishte shum\u00eb i madh, n\u00eb krahasim me rolin popujve t\u00eb sot\u00ebm krishter\u00eb, gjerman\u00ebve, anglez\u00ebve, francez\u00ebve, skandinavez\u00ebve, sllav\u00ebve etj. Q\u00eb nga fillimi i krishterimit e deri m\u00eb sot, shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb luajtur nj\u00eb rol bashkues, jo vet\u00ebm me p\u00ebrkrahjen e iniciativave ekumenike, por edhe me iniciativa vetjake. Jan\u00eb t\u00eb ditura p\u00ebrpjekjet e Perandorit Junstinian t\u00eb I (527-563), t\u00eb Koncilit Ekumenik t\u00eb Firenc\u00ebs (v.1445), Pjet\u00ebr Bogdanit, Patrikut Atenagora, i cili erdhi n\u00eb Rom\u00eb gjat\u00eb pontifikatit t\u00eb Pap\u00ebs Palit VI, por gjithashtu roli i shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb bot\u00ebn islame, ndon\u00ebse jo n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e v\u00ebnies s\u00eb themeleve, por n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e mbi nd\u00ebrtimit.<\/p>\n

Shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb historike ishin bart\u00ebs t\u00eb vlerave dhe t\u00eb standardeve per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb Perandorin\u00eb Otomane n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs (politika oksidentale e guvernatorit t\u00eb Egjiptit, M e h m e t (arabisht Muhamed) Ali Pash\u00ebs, i cili, krahas vendosjes s\u00eb standardeve per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb qeverisje dhe n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, zhvilloi beteja t\u00eb suksesshme kund\u00ebr vehabist\u00ebve intolerant\u00eb dhe fisit t\u00eb saud\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, n\u00ebn ndikimin e anglez\u00ebve, e shfryt\u00ebzonin k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebvizje fetare p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin, roli i Pashko Vas\u00ebs n\u00eb themelimin e Libanit multikonfesional etj.<\/em>), kultur\u00eb (shkrimet e para n\u00eb proz\u00eb, vepra t\u00eb para dramaturgjike, enciklopedi, piktur\u00eb etj.<\/em>), shkenc\u00eb etj. K\u00ebto energji pajtimtare do t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb edhe n\u00eb koh\u00ebrat moderne. Duke mbajtur vetveten larg nga k\u00ebto p\u00ebr\u00e7arje, ata do t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb m\u00ebnyra p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar formul\u00ebn e pajtimit edhe n\u00eb mes t\u00eb krishterimit dhe islamit. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb qenien e shqiptarit, n\u00eb kodin e tyre kulturor k\u00ebto kontradikta funksionojn\u00eb pa f\u00ebrkim…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI, Koha – 15\/08\/2013 Koh\u00ebt e fundit, edhe pas d\u00ebshtimit, kolapsit t\u00eb sistemeve ideologjike, t\u00eb formacioneve ideologjike shoq\u00ebrore sikur jan\u00eb r\u00ebnduar polemikat, kanosjet, madje edhe konfliktet mbi baza ideologjike. \u00c7\u00ebshtjet ideore, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsia etnike, religjioze, qytet\u00ebruese etj, p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00ebsh jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se pozita, mir\u00ebqenia ekonomike-sociale e individit, apo kolektivit. N\u00ebse konfliktet mbi baza […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":16496,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5834","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-artikuj"],"yoast_head":"\nReligjioni, politika, shqiptar\u00ebt - FJALA e LIR\u00cb<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/religjioni-politika-shqiptaret\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Religjioni, politika, shqiptar\u00ebt - FJALA e LIR\u00cb\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI, Koha – 15\/08\/2013 Koh\u00ebt e fundit, edhe pas d\u00ebshtimit, kolapsit t\u00eb sistemeve ideologjike, t\u00eb formacioneve ideologjike shoq\u00ebrore sikur jan\u00eb r\u00ebnduar polemikat, kanosjet, madje edhe konfliktet mbi baza ideologjike. \u00c7\u00ebshtjet ideore, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsia etnike, religjioze, qytet\u00ebruese etj, p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00ebsh jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se pozita, mir\u00ebqenia ekonomike-sociale e individit, apo kolektivit. 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