{"id":59065,"date":"2020-08-21T16:55:25","date_gmt":"2020-08-21T14:55:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/?p=59065"},"modified":"2020-08-21T17:44:04","modified_gmt":"2020-08-21T15:44:04","slug":"trump-dhe-ngritja-e-diplomacise-sadiste","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/trump-dhe-ngritja-e-diplomacise-sadiste\/","title":{"rendered":"Trump dhe Ngritja e Diplomacis\u00eb Sadiste"},"content":{"rendered":"

Presidenti Donald Trump njofton vendimin e tij, q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqen nga marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr klim\u00ebn e Parisit n\u00eb Kopshtin e tr\u00ebndafilave n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb me 1 Qershor 2017 n\u00eb Uashington. WIN MCNAMEE \/ GETTY IMAGES<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

A R G U M E N T<\/strong><\/p>\n

Administrata e tij kaloi kat\u00ebr vjet kryesisht duke mos arritur marr\u00ebveshje diplomatike. Ajo q\u00eb b\u00ebri n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese. – P\u00ebrktheu Arben \u00c7okaj<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

NGA JEREMY SHAPIRO<\/strong>, PHILIP H. GORDON<\/strong> | 17 Gusht 2020<\/em> | ForeignPolicy.com<\/a><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi q\u00eb Donald Trump e mbronte kur kandidoi p\u00ebr president n\u00eb vitin 2016, ishte aft\u00ebsia e tij e pretenduar p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb mira. Shtetet e Bashkuara, argumentoi Trump, ishin p\u00ebr dekada t\u00eb t\u00ebra “grabitur” nga aleat\u00ebt dhe kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt ashtu, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt vazhdimisht mor\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara n\u00eb negociata pas negociatave. Marr\u00ebveshja e Tregtis\u00eb s\u00eb Lir\u00eb t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut (NAFTA) ishte “marr\u00ebveshja m\u00eb e keqe e tregtis\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb<\/em>“, marr\u00ebveshja b\u00ebrthamore me Iranin ishte “katastrofale<\/em>“, dhe aleat\u00ebt e traktateve n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe Azi po p\u00ebrpiqeshin t\u00eb “vidhnin pasurin\u00eb<\/em>” e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, duke zhvilluar tregti tepricash dhe d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb paguar sa duhet p\u00ebr trupat amerikane n\u00eb tok\u00ebn e tyre. Si autor i Artit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes<\/em>, Trump pretendoi se do t’i jepte fund garancis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb, do t\u00eb rinegocioj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet e k\u00ebqija dhe do t\u00eb godas\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet e reja diplomatike n\u00eb fushat ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb paraardh\u00ebsit e tij kishin d\u00ebshtuar.<\/p>\n

Pas gati kat\u00ebr vitesh n\u00eb detyr\u00eb, Trump ka shum\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar p\u00ebr p\u00ebrpjekjet e tij. P\u00ebr jav\u00ebn e kaluar, administrata ka b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje nga Emiratet e Bashkuara Arabe dhe Izraeli p\u00ebr t\u00eb normalizuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet, nj\u00eb hap kryesisht pozitiv, por shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim sesa nj\u00eb rregull. N\u00eb shum\u00eb raste m\u00eb shum\u00eb – si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja b\u00ebrthamore e Iranit, marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr klim\u00ebn n\u00eb Paris, Traktati i Forcave B\u00ebrthamore t\u00eb Nd\u00ebrmjetme (INF), Partneriteti Trans-Paq\u00ebsorit dhe Traktati i Qiejve t\u00eb Hapur – Trump ka grisur ose braktisur marr\u00ebveshjet ekzistuese, por nuk ka arritur t\u00eb vendos\u00eb ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb n\u00eb vendin e tyre. N\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb paqen izraelito-palestineze, Koren\u00eb e Veriut dhe Afganistanin, ai ka filluar negociatat me nj\u00eb fanatiz\u00ebm t\u00eb madh, por nuk arriti t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb ndonj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb re. Dhe n\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera – t\u00eb tilla si Libia, Ukraina dhe Siria – administrata Trump nuk ka provuar aspak, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb shpesh diplomacin\u00eb tek kompetencat diplomatike si Rusia apo Turqia.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb tregti, Trump arriti t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb rregullime margjinale t\u00eb NAFTA-s dhe arriti nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje “faz\u00eb nj\u00eb” me Kin\u00ebn, q\u00eb uli tarifat e ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb premtimeve (t\u00eb paplot\u00ebsuara) kineze, p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb mallra amerikane. Por ato marr\u00ebveshje v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se arrit\u00ebn n\u00eb shembuj t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve mjesht\u00ebrore, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat Trump kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb atmosfer\u00ebn sykofantike1<\/sup> t\u00eb Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb aktuale do t\u00eb ishte e mundur t\u00eb shikohet prapa k\u00ebtij rekordi t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm diplomatik dhe t\u00eb konkludohet, si\u00e7 e tha K\u00ebshilltari i Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare, Robert O’Brien, q\u00eb Trump duhet t\u00eb konsiderohet “nj\u00eb drejtues i par\u00eb p\u00ebr Nobelin Prize<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebtyre d\u00ebshtimeve, Trump nuk ka modifikuar as taktikat e tij negociuese dhe as objektivat e tij. P\u00ebrkundrazi, administrata thjesht \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb tok\u00ebs s\u00eb djegur, si\u00e7 duket e krijuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar at\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebtoj\u00eb. Nd\u00ebshkimi i kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve – dhe ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe aleat\u00ebve – nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb strategjie diplomatike p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur q\u00ebllime specifike t\u00eb politik\u00ebs; \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb objektivi. N\u00eb shum\u00eb raste, administrata duket se nuk po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb reja, por thjesht duke deklaruar dhimbjen q\u00eb shkaktuan mjetet e suksesit. Mjetet p\u00ebr t’i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund – d\u00ebmtimi ekonomik dhe paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb synuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb lev\u00eb diplomatike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje – me sa duket jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb fundi.<\/p>\n

Shembulli m\u00eb i duksh\u00ebm i taktikave t\u00eb tok\u00ebs s\u00eb djegur p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar strategjin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb politika e “presionit maksimal” mbi Iranin. Kur Trump t\u00ebrhoqi Shtetet e Bashkuara nga marr\u00ebveshja b\u00ebrthamore e Iranit n\u00eb maj 2018, ai pretendoi se q\u00ebllimi p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ishte t\u00eb negocionte nj\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, parashikohet q\u00eb Irani t\u00eb mos luante, p\u00ebrkundrazi rifilloi programin e tij t\u00eb ngrir\u00eb b\u00ebrthamor dhe p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzoi veprimet e tij provokuese n\u00eb Gjirin Persik. Nga 12 k\u00ebrkesat q\u00eb Sekretari i Shtetit amerikan Mike Pompeo i b\u00ebri Iranit n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, zero jan\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur, dhe Teherani i ka p\u00ebrjashtuar negociatat e reja me Trump. M\u00eb 14 gusht n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit t\u00eb KB, administrata p\u00ebsoi nj\u00eb humbje posht\u00ebruese, kur nj\u00eb rezolut\u00eb e sponsorizuar nga SHBA q\u00eb impononte nj\u00eb embargo arm\u00ebsh n\u00eb Iran vet\u00ebm t\u00ebrhoqi mb\u00ebshtetjen e Republik\u00ebs Dominikane n\u00eb k\u00ebshillin prej 15 an\u00ebtar\u00ebsh. Aleat\u00ebt historik\u00eb t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar, Franc\u00ebn dhe Gjermanin\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb abstenuan, nd\u00ebrsa Rusia dhe Kina votuan kund\u00ebr. Nj\u00eb izolim i ngjash\u00ebm ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb n\u00ebse dhe kur administrata p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb th\u00ebrras\u00eb “kthimin” e sanksioneve t\u00eb KB, pasi Uashingtoni braktisi mjetet n\u00eb dispozicion, p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kur ajo la marr\u00ebveshjen e Iranit n\u00eb 2018.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, zyrtar\u00ebt e administrat\u00ebs dhe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tyre n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb provojn\u00eb efektivitetin “mahnit\u00ebs” t\u00eb sanksioneve, madje nd\u00ebrsa k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb presion ndaj Iranit, pranojn\u00eb, ende “po shkel angazhimet e tij b\u00ebrthamore dhe sulmon fqinj\u00ebt e tij<\/em>“. Pompeo rregullisht pohon se sanksionet po arrijn\u00eb “rezultate historike<\/em>“, nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht pretendojn\u00eb se sjellja e Iranit po p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsohet. Vet\u00eb Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb mburrur se Irani ishte \u201cduke patur trazira \u00e7do jav\u00eb, n\u00eb \u00e7do qytet – m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha se ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Monedha e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn rrethim fal\u00eb nesh. Shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra t\u00eb k\u00ebqija po ndodhin.<\/em>” N\u00eb pamund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb filluar bisedimet e reja me Iranin, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb t\u00eb negociojm\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb re, i d\u00ebrguari i posa\u00e7\u00ebm p\u00ebr Iranin, Brian Hook, insistoi n\u00eb 5 gusht se “me marr\u00ebveshje ose pa marr\u00ebveshje, ne kemi qen\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm<\/em>.” \u00cbsht\u00eb sigurisht e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb shkaktojn\u00eb dhimbje t\u00eb forta ekonomike. Por dhimbja e mundshme nuk do t\u00eb ishte kurr\u00eb pjesa e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, duke pasur parasysh madh\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe fuqin\u00eb e ekonomis\u00eb amerikane. “Shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra t\u00eb k\u00ebqija po ndodhin<\/em>” – nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb programi b\u00ebrthamor zgjerohet dhe Irani sulmon fqinj\u00ebt e tij – nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sukses; \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizimi i d\u00ebshtimit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb, e gjith\u00eb q\u00ebllimi i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb promovimi i stabilitetit dhe parandalimi i Iranit nga zhvillimi i arm\u00ebve b\u00ebrthamore.<\/p>\n

Trump ka p\u00ebrqafuar nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb ngjashme n\u00eb Siri. Duke braktisur n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr qafe Bashar al-Asad, politika e ShBA tani duket se konsiston n\u00eb “promovimin e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb” t\u00eb regjimit t\u00eb Asadit n\u00eb teori nd\u00ebrsa nd\u00ebshkimin e popullit sirian n\u00eb praktik\u00eb. Mjeti kryesor i k\u00ebsaj qasjeje \u00ebsht\u00eb Akti i Mbrojtjes Civile n\u00eb Cezar Siria, i cili vendos sanksione p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo q\u00eb investon ose siguron ndihm\u00eb p\u00ebr rind\u00ebrtimin n\u00eb Siri. Akti nd\u00ebshkon individ\u00eb dhe korporata q\u00eb merren me bizneset siriane t\u00eb energjis\u00eb, ushtarake, inxhinierike ose nd\u00ebrtimi, q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb n\u00eb rajone t\u00eb mbajtura nga qeveria. Q\u00ebllimet e aktit jan\u00eb t\u00eb admirueshme, dhe askush nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i denj\u00eb p\u00ebr nd\u00ebshkim t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr sesa Asadi dhe mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e tij. Problemi, megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb se rezultati m\u00eb i mundsh\u00ebm i politik\u00ebs do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb vuajtje m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr popullin sirian, dhe efekte t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb tilla si shkat\u00ebrrimi i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm i ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Libanit, nd\u00ebrsa Asad dhe bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e tij mbeten n\u00eb pushtet.<\/p>\n

Ende, nj\u00eb artikull i fundit n\u00eb Politik\u00ebn e Jashtme t\u00eb quajtur \u201cTrump\u2019s Syria Policy Is Working<\/a>\u201d (Politika e Trumpit n\u00eb Siri po funkionon) cituar si d\u00ebshmi e suksesit t\u00eb nj\u00eb “mini-kryengritje” n\u00eb Daraa, “demonstrime t\u00eb stuhishme” n\u00eb Suwayda, dhe nj\u00eb ekonomi “q\u00eb po shkon drejt humner\u00ebs”. Ishte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm i suksesit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrballur me trazira shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr gati nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb, me rezultate q\u00eb pak kush do t’i konsideronte t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, n\u00eb maj, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi i posa\u00e7\u00ebm amerikan p\u00ebr angazhimin n\u00eb Siri, James Jeffrey, pretendoi se politika maksimale e presionit ndaj Siris\u00eb ishte pagimi i divident\u00ebve dhe shtoi se puna e tij n\u00eb Siri ishte q\u00eb “ta b\u00ebnte at\u00eb nj\u00eb mashtrim p\u00ebr rus\u00ebt<\/em>“. Jeffrey nuk e b\u00ebri t\u00eb qart\u00eb se si nj\u00eb mashtrim \u2014 duke nxitur luft\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme civile, refugjat\u00eb, ekstremiz\u00ebm dhe vuajtje – do t’i sh\u00ebrbente interesave t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, aq m\u00eb pak atyre t\u00eb Siris\u00eb. Pompeo thot\u00eb se Shtetet e Bashkuara nuk do t\u00eb zvog\u00eblojn\u00eb sanksionet derisa Asadi t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb nj\u00eb proces p\u00ebr largimin e tij nga pushteti, nd\u00ebrsa Joel Rayburn, nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr i d\u00ebrguar i Siris\u00eb, thot\u00eb se sanksionet do t\u00eb mbeten “derisa regjimi sirian dhe aleat\u00ebt e tij ta miratojn\u00eb<\/em>“. N\u00ebse administrata besonte se nj\u00eb presion i till\u00eb ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb largimin dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin e Asadit nga nj\u00eb regjim m\u00eb i p\u00eblqyesh\u00ebm, qasja mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb kuptim. Por ideja q\u00eb Asad do t\u00eb heq\u00eb dor\u00eb n\u00ebn presionin ekonomik nga ajo q\u00eb ai e mb\u00ebrtheu kaq ashp\u00ebr gjat\u00eb gati 10 viteve t\u00eb luft\u00ebs brutale civile kund\u00ebrshton sensin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Pra, dhimbja \u00ebsht\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb mbetet.<\/p>\n

Politika p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn e Trump duket se drejtohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm. Si n\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera, Trump fillimisht p\u00ebrshkroi nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb politikave q\u00eb presioni ekonomik ishte menduar t\u00eb arrihej, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb modifikimin e praktikave tregtare t\u00eb pafavorshme t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Duke goditur Kin\u00ebn gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb me tarifa, pretendoi Trump, Pekini m\u00eb n\u00eb fund do t\u00eb detyrohej t\u00eb zvog\u00ebloj\u00eb deficitin e tij tregtar me Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe t’i jap\u00eb fund hedhjes s\u00eb paligjshme, vjedhjeve t\u00eb pronave intelektuale dhe manipulimeve t\u00eb pretenduara t\u00eb monedh\u00ebs. Dy vjet pasi u vendos\u00ebn k\u00ebto tarifa, megjithat\u00eb, kostot p\u00ebr Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb qen\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb larta, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb ashtuquajturat p\u00ebrfitime erdh\u00ebn vet\u00ebm n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb tregtare q\u00eb linte t\u00eb pazgjidhura problemet themelore. Tani Trump duket se ka hequr dor\u00eb nga marrja e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje m\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse tregtare dhe pranon se nuk mendon m\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Trump g\u00ebzohet q\u00eb “Kina po ec\u00ebn shum\u00eb dob\u00ebt<\/em>” sikur ky t\u00eb ishte q\u00ebllimi fillestar. N\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb t\u00eb Axios n\u00eb HBO t\u00eb transmetuar n\u00eb 3 gusht, Trump pretendoi “p\u00ebrparim” t\u00eb madh mbi Kin\u00ebn sepse “para pandemis\u00eb ata kishin vitin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq … q\u00eb ata kishin pasur n\u00eb 67 vjet<\/em>.” Ishte nj\u00eb pretendim i bezdissh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb humbi dhjet\u00ebra miliona njer\u00ebz n\u00eb kolaps ekonomik dhe urin\u00eb nga 1958 deri n\u00eb 1962, por ishte gjithashtu nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm i suksesit. Q\u00ebllimi i nj\u00eb lufte tregtare q\u00eb i kishte kushtuar ekonomis\u00eb amerikane rreth 300,000 vende pune dhe mbi 40 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb tarifa ishte menduar t\u00eb ishte modifikimi i praktikave tregtare t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, jo vuajtja e popullit kinez. Dhe me nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje tregtare jasht\u00eb mund\u00ebsive, administrata duket se ka drejtuar n\u00eb faj\u00ebsimin e Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr koronavirusin, duke demonizuar udh\u00ebheqjen kineze dhe duke shpresuar p\u00ebr ndryshim t\u00eb regjimit, pasi Pompeo e artikuloi at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalim t\u00eb 23 korrikut n\u00eb Bibliotek\u00ebn Nixon. Pompeo nuk parashikoi nj\u00eb plan realist p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar regjimin e Kin\u00ebs, por sugjeroi q\u00eb kjo ishte tani m\u00ebnyra e vetme q\u00eb mund t\u00eb arriheshin objektivat e SHBA. Mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsi i Trump, Hugh Hewitt, i cili shoq\u00ebroi Pompeon n\u00eb fjalim, menj\u00ebher\u00eb pasoi me nj\u00eb kolon\u00eb, ku shqiptoi qasjen e re ndaj Kin\u00ebs si nj\u00eb \u201carritje\u201d p\u00ebr Trump, sikur retorika e ashp\u00ebr, n\u00eb krahasim me nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb si q\u00ebllim.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto nuk jan\u00eb raste t\u00eb izoluara. Taktikat e tok\u00ebs s\u00eb djegur kan\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar negociatat e d\u00ebshtuara n\u00eb nj\u00eb mori t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane. Kur palestinez\u00ebt nuk pranuan ta blinin “marr\u00ebveshjen e shekullit” t\u00eb propozuar nga Trump, ai u hakmor duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ndihm\u00ebs financiare p\u00ebr Bregun Per\u00ebndimor, Gaz\u00ebn, dhe refugjat\u00ebt palestinez\u00eb dhe duke nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb kanalet diplomatike; me perspektiv\u00ebn p\u00ebr negociata tani pothuajse joekzistente, Trump thjesht po mb\u00ebshtet politikat izraelite, nd\u00ebrsa i l\u00eb palestinez\u00ebt n\u00eb fatin e tyre. N\u00eb Venezuel\u00eb, Trump vendosi sanksione t\u00eb r\u00ebnda n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2019, si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb plani p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvendosur Nicol\u00e1 Maduro por me kalimin e koh\u00ebs dukej se humbi durimin dhe interesin, duke u vendosur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkimit t\u00eb popullit Venezuelas pa perspektiv\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim. Kjo t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn do ta vinte n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me politik\u00ebn amerikane n\u00eb Kub\u00eb, ku Trump e ktheu mbrapsht hapjen modeste t\u00eb ish-Presidentit Barack Obama, p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyfishuar nj\u00eb politik\u00eb sanksionesh dhe nd\u00ebshkimesh q\u00eb ka d\u00ebshtuar p\u00ebr 60 vjet. Edhe aleat\u00ebt e af\u00ebrt si Gjermania nuk jan\u00eb kursyer. M\u00eb 29 korrik, Trump njoftoi se po t\u00ebrhiqte n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme afro 12,000 trupa nga Gjermania, jo n\u00eb ndjekje t\u00eb objektivave strategjik\u00eb amerikan\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuar nj\u00eb partner, q\u00eb besonte se e kishte kund\u00ebrshtuar.<\/p>\n

Vendosja e dhimbjes p\u00ebrmes sanksioneve dhe masave t\u00eb tjera padyshim se ka nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, dhe ka shum\u00eb shembuj ku administratat e SHBA-s\u00eb e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer presionin n\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime diplomatike. Ronald Reagan nuk do ta kishte arritur kurr\u00eb Traktatin e INF, n\u00ebse ai nuk do t\u00eb ishte i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vendos\u00eb raketa amerikane n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Bill Klinton nuk do t\u00eb kishte arritur marr\u00ebveshje paqeje n\u00eb Ballkan, n\u00ebse ai nuk do t\u00eb ishte i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnonte dhe madje t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte forc\u00ebn ushtarake. Obama nuk mund ta detyronte Iranin t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb kufizime t\u00eb verifikueshme n\u00eb programin e tij b\u00ebrthamor, n\u00ebse nuk do t\u00eb ishte i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb mblidhte bot\u00ebn pas sanksioneve t\u00eb dhimbshme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Por pika e nd\u00ebshkimit \u00ebsht\u00eb krijimi i kushteve p\u00ebr nj\u00eb diplomaci t\u00eb suksesshme. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit duhet t\u00eb tregojn\u00eb forc\u00eb dhe zgjidhje, por gjithashtu duhet t\u00eb tregojn\u00eb nj\u00eb gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr kompromis. Luft\u00ebrat rrall\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00ebzim t\u00eb pakusht\u00ebzuar, dhe diplomacia nuk e b\u00ebn kurr\u00eb. Diplomacia e suksesshme k\u00ebrkon zgjedhjen e betejave me kujdes, t\u00eb kuptuarit e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve dhe bashkimin e koalicioneve p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb e p\u00ebrcaktuara me kujdes. Thjesht nd\u00ebshkimi i kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb q\u00eb Trump ose p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e tij t\u00eb ndjehen mir\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb mizoria ndaj kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, por kjo qasje b\u00ebn pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrparuar interesat ose mir\u00ebqenien e ShBA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb strategji afatgjat\u00eb p\u00ebr rezultate m\u00eb t\u00eb mira mund t’i frym\u00ebzoj\u00eb amerikan\u00ebt t\u00eb sakrifikojn\u00eb dhe aleat\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb t\u00eb japin mb\u00ebshtetjen e tyre ndaj nd\u00ebshkimit. Duke mos arritur t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb strategjit\u00eb se si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebshkim i till\u00eb mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb interesat e SHBA, sesa egon e tij t\u00eb brisht\u00eb, Trump e ka d\u00ebnuar politik\u00ebn e jashtme amerikane n\u00eb nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl t\u00eb pafund t\u00eb taktikave t\u00eb tok\u00ebs s\u00eb djegur dhe ka d\u00ebnuar popullatat n\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb e varf\u00ebris\u00eb. Administrata Trump mund ta konsideroj\u00eb at\u00eb nj\u00eb sukses, por populli Amerikan nuk duhet.<\/p>\n

Jeremy Shapiro<\/strong> \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtori i k\u00ebrkimit n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin Evropian p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e Jashtme dhe An\u00ebtar i moshuar jo-rezident n\u00eb Institucionin Brookings. Twitter: @jyshapiro
\nPhilip H. Gordon<\/strong> \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor i moshuar n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Jasht\u00eb, nj\u00eb ish-koordinator i Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb p\u00ebr Lindjen e Mesme n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn e Obam\u00ebs, dhe autori i Humbja e Loj\u00ebs s\u00eb gjat\u00eb: Premtimi i rrem\u00eb i Ndryshimit t\u00eb Regjimit n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme<\/em>, q\u00eb do t\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb publik n\u00eb tetor t\u00eb vitit 2020.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

1. sillet ose b\u00ebhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb bindur, q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Presidenti Donald Trump njofton vendimin e tij, q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqen nga marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr klim\u00ebn e Parisit n\u00eb Kopshtin e tr\u00ebndafilave n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb me 1 Qershor 2017 n\u00eb Uashington. WIN MCNAMEE \/ GETTY IMAGES A R G U M E N T Administrata e tij kaloi kat\u00ebr vjet kryesisht duke mos […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":59066,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,34],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-59065","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-artikuj","category-politike"],"yoast_head":"\nTrump dhe Ngritja e Diplomacis\u00eb Sadiste - FJALA e LIR\u00cb<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/trump-dhe-ngritja-e-diplomacise-sadiste\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Trump dhe Ngritja e Diplomacis\u00eb Sadiste - FJALA e LIR\u00cb\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Presidenti Donald Trump njofton vendimin e tij, q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqen nga marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr klim\u00ebn e Parisit n\u00eb Kopshtin e tr\u00ebndafilave n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb me 1 Qershor 2017 n\u00eb Uashington. 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