{"id":68460,"date":"2021-05-13T09:55:11","date_gmt":"2021-05-13T07:55:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/?p=68460"},"modified":"2021-05-13T09:55:11","modified_gmt":"2021-05-13T07:55:11","slug":"kosova-dhe-palestina-nje-studim-krahasues","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/kosova-dhe-palestina-nje-studim-krahasues\/","title":{"rendered":"KOSOVA DHE PALESTINA: Nj\u00eb studim krahasues"},"content":{"rendered":"

Jack Sigman<\/strong><\/p>\n

Konflikti midis palestinez\u00ebve dhe izraelit\u00ebve ka okupuar \u00e7\u00ebshtjet bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebr dekada. Pavar\u00ebsisht sa shum\u00eb ose sa pak p\u00ebrpjekje jan\u00eb shpenzuar gjat\u00eb asaj periudhe kohore, konflikti p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb palestineze duket se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr zgjidhjes sesa ishte gjat\u00eb mund\u00ebsis\u00eb fillestare p\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb ofruar n\u00eb 1947, kur Kombet e Bashkuara votuan p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb pavarur \u00a0arab nga nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mandatit palestinez. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ekspert\u00ebt e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Donald Snow, e konsiderojn\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen si nj\u00eb “konflikt t\u00eb pazgjidhsh\u00ebm” (Snow 2010, 59). Sidoqoft\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrdorur modelin e kubizmit social t\u00eb Carter dhe Byrne (2000, 42) p\u00ebr t\u00eb krahasuar \u00e7\u00ebshtjen Palestineze me nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm, ai q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshiu Serbin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebn, zgjidhja ishte pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs, mund t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb model veprimi p\u00ebr \u00a0palestinez\u00ebt, q\u00eb \u00e7on drejt shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Analiza e Snow-it, e nj\u00eb konflikti q\u00eb konsiderohet e pazgjidhsh\u00ebm, varet nga gjasht\u00eb faktor\u00eb; Territori n\u00eb konflikt \u00ebsht\u00eb i vog\u00ebl, konflikti \u00ebsht\u00eb tep\u00ebr emocional p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb perceptimit se territori \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 atdhe nga t\u00eb dy grupet, perceptohet si nj\u00eb skenar i humbjes – fitores, kompromisi shihet si nj\u00eb tradh\u00ebti, i d\u00ebshtimet e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura nga pal\u00ebt e jashtme p\u00ebr ta zgjidhur \u00e7\u00ebshtjen, dhe q\u00eb t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb rezultate t\u00eb pranueshme (2010, 59-60). Faktor\u00ebt e lartp\u00ebrmendur u p\u00ebrzgjodh\u00ebn p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre relative si nj\u00eb shkak konflikti, duke sugjeruar q\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjidhje e nj\u00eb problemi t\u00eb supozuar t\u00eb madh do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb problemeve t\u00eb vogla. Nd\u00ebrsa qasja e Snow mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb standardi, Carter dhe Byrne nuk pajtohen me k\u00ebt\u00eb standard, duke n\u00ebnkuptuar se \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebveprimi midis faktor\u00ebve, sesa vet\u00eb faktor\u00ebve, q\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar baz\u00ebn e konfliktit (2000, 41) dhe k\u00ebshtu \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e zgjidhjes. Prandaj, q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebtij studimi \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb n\u00ebse konfliktet n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe territoret palestineze jan\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb ngjashme p\u00ebr t\u00eb sugjeruar zgjidhje kosovare p\u00ebr problemet palestineze.<\/p>\n

Modeli i kubizmit social p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga gjasht\u00eb aspekte: “historia, feja, demografia, institucionet politike dhe sjellja jo-institucionale, ekonomia dhe faktor\u00ebt psikokulturor\u00eb (sic)” (shih Figur\u00ebn 1 m\u00eb posht\u00eb) (Carter and Byrne 2000, 43). Kur k\u00ebto gjasht\u00eb aspekte kombinohen, rezultati \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tregues i asaj q\u00eb ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb sjellja kohezive e grupit (Carter dhe Byrne 2000, 41) dhe ndihmon n\u00eb shpjegimin e propagand\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje pretendimet e grupeve n\u00eb territoret n\u00eb fjal\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, jo t\u00eb gjitha aspektet bazohen n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna faktike. P\u00ebrkundrazi, disa aspekte jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdije kolektive t\u00eb legjend\u00ebs dhe mitit komb\u00ebtar, i cili shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00eb natyre fetare. Prandaj, gjat\u00eb shqyrtimit t\u00eb aspekteve, \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb kuptohet se, n\u00eb analiz\u00eb, besimet jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se faktet (Jacobs 2010, n.p.). K\u00ebshtu, ka pak arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb ekspozuar ndonj\u00eb besim si t\u00eb rrem\u00eb pasi ekspozimi nuk ndryshon besimet as ndryshon nd\u00ebrveprimet. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, pasi q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb sigurojm\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrim t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb aspekteve, informacioni i ofruar do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vet\u00ebm me detaje p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

Historia<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Historit\u00eb e rajoneve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira, Kosov\u00ebs dhe Palestin\u00ebs, kan\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ngjashm\u00ebrie si dhe paralele t\u00eb pazakonta. Kosovar\u00ebt jan\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb etnik\u00eb. Shqiptar\u00ebt pretendojn\u00eb prejardhje nga fiset q\u00eb banonin n\u00eb Ballkan para pushtimeve Romake. Serb\u00ebt migruan n\u00eb rajon n\u00eb disa val\u00eb duke filluar n\u00eb shekullin e gjasht\u00eb (Juda 2008, 16-17). Serb\u00ebt kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb historin\u00eb shqiptare, duke deklaruar se Kosova ishte n\u00eb thelb pa shqiptar\u00eb deri n\u00eb pushtimin osman dhe pushtimin pasues t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 1300 (Judah 2008, 16-17). Sidoqoft\u00eb, kjo ende i l\u00eb kosovar\u00ebt me 700 vjet q\u00ebndrim n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb para tyre. Palestinez\u00ebt, arab\u00eb etnikisht, migruan n\u00eb rajonin palestinez me pushtimin arab, duke filluar nga viti 636. Supozohet se martesa e bashkuar me popullsin\u00eb autoktone mund t’u lejoj\u00eb palestinez\u00ebve pretendimin e prejardhjes nga disa prej banor\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb hersh\u00ebm, kananit\u00ebt, ashtu si kosovar\u00ebt pretendojn\u00eb prejardhjen nga “Ilir\u00ebt dhe Dardan\u00ebt” (Judah 2008, 18).<\/p>\n

Izraelit\u00ebt, t\u00eb njohur at\u00ebher\u00eb si Izraelit\u00eb, pretendojn\u00eb hyrjen n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb tani njihet si rajoni Palestinez mbi 3500 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb, duke themeluar mbret\u00ebrit\u00eb e Izraelit dhe Jud\u00ebs t\u00eb cilat u n\u00ebnshtruan plot\u00ebsisht politikisht nga Romak\u00ebt n\u00eb 135 (Sachar 1979, 18), duke \u00e7uar n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb zakonisht quhet Diaspor\u00eb, shp\u00ebrndarja e Izraelit\u00ebve nga Toka e Shenjt\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa izraelit\u00ebt pranojn\u00eb futjen e arab\u00ebve n\u00eb shekullin e shtat\u00eb, ata besojn\u00eb se shumica e banor\u00ebve arab\u00eb n\u00eb rajonin palestinez jan\u00eb imigrant\u00eb t\u00eb koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr nga ekonomia e krijuar nga investimet hebreje q\u00eb nga viti 1880. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, literatura zyrtare palestineze mohon t\u00eb gjith\u00eb lidhjet historike izraelite me rajonin (KB 2010, np).<\/p>\n

Ashtu si n\u00eb studimin e Carter dhe Byrne midis Irland\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut dhe Quebec, krahasimi midis konfliktit kosovar dhe palestinez duhet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se shkalla e ndryshimit n\u00eb rr\u00ebfimin themelor historik tenton t\u00eb rris\u00eb armiq\u00ebsin\u00eb midis pal\u00ebve n\u00eb konflikt (2000, 45). Nd\u00ebrsa ka pasur m\u00eb pak incidente t\u00eb dhunshme midis kosovar\u00ebve dhe serb\u00ebve, episodet kan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin intensitet me at\u00eb t\u00eb shfaqur n\u00eb konfliktin palestinez \/ izraelit. Prandaj, mund t\u00eb supozohet se shkalla e ndryshimit n\u00eb narrativ\u00ebn historike midis dy konflikteve t\u00eb ndara \u00ebsht\u00eb relativisht e vog\u00ebl.<\/p>\n

Feja<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Aspektet fetare t\u00eb secilit konflikt kan\u00eb gjithashtu ngjashm\u00ebri. Kosovar\u00ebt dhe palestinez\u00ebt jan\u00eb mysliman\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, arab\u00ebt q\u00eb u b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb njohur si palestinez\u00eb e soll\u00ebn Islamin me vete, nd\u00ebrsa shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs u konvertuan n\u00eb nj\u00eb Islam jo-arab pas pushtimit osman t\u00eb tok\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar avantazh ekonomik (Malcolm 1998, 112). Prandaj, islamizmi palestinez tenton t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb i nj\u00eb natyre fetare ortodokse nd\u00ebrsa kosovari praktikon ose nj\u00eb form\u00eb gati heretike t\u00eb Islamit, nj\u00eb Bektashiz\u00ebm t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuar nga Sufi (Judah 2008, 8), ose priret drejt sekularizmit (Malcolm 1998, 14).<\/p>\n

Komb\u00ebsia izraelite dhe serbe p\u00ebrcaktohet nga fet\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr faktit se ka af\u00ebrsisht 1.2 milion qytetar\u00eb arab\u00eb islamik\u00eb t\u00eb Izraelit, kur p\u00ebrmendet feja e nj\u00eb izraeliti, mendimi i menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb hebre. P\u00ebr serb\u00ebt, \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb Kish\u00ebn Ortodokse Serbe. Qendra e jet\u00ebs fetare hebraike \u00ebsht\u00eb Mali i Tempullit n\u00eb Jeruzalem dhe qendra e jet\u00ebs fetare Serbe \u00ebsht\u00eb Kosova, ku u themelua Kisha Ortodokse Serbe (Malcolm 1998, 13).<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa mysliman\u00ebt kosovar\u00eb nuk i japin ndonj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb fetare Kosov\u00ebs, mysliman\u00ebt palestinez\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e gjith\u00eb bota islamike, e konsiderojn\u00eb Jeruzalemin si t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb. Jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb Jeruzalemi \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtimi drejt t\u00eb cilit t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mysliman\u00ebve u k\u00ebrkohej t\u00eb luteshin (para caktimit t\u00eb Mek\u00ebs si ikon\u00eb), por \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu vendndodhja e aluduar n\u00eb Kuran kur Mohamedi po largohej nga toka n\u00eb udh\u00ebtimin e tij p\u00ebr n\u00eb qiell, pas vdekjes s\u00eb tij. Pretendimi izraelit i s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs zon\u00eb, biblikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi ku Abrahami vendosi Isakun t\u00eb flijohej (Zan 22: 2), ku Jakobi \u00ebnd\u00ebrroi shkall\u00ebn n\u00eb qiell (Zan 28:11), aty ku q\u00ebndronin tempujt e par\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, q\u00eb mohohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb rutinore nga zyrtar\u00ebt palestinez\u00eb (Stalinsky 2004, np).<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb shihet, n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb fetare, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se konflikti palestinez \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb i diskutuesh\u00ebm sesa \u00e7\u00ebshtja n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Prandaj, kjo ka nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb shtuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb negociuar nj\u00eb zgjidhje paq\u00ebsore midis Izraelit dhe Autoritetit Palestinez. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtja mbi Jeruzalemin \u00ebsht\u00eb aq polarizuese saq\u00eb pak hebrenj izraelit\u00eb mund t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ndarjen e qytetit n\u00eb seksione hebraike dhe myslimane (Lustick 1993, 381) dhe nd\u00ebrsa musliman\u00ebt kan\u00eb sovranitet de facto mbi vendet e shenjta islamike n\u00eb Jeruzalem p\u00ebrmes Waqf (Karsh 2003, 147-148), palestinez\u00ebt d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb sovranitetin e till\u00eb de jure. Sidoqoft\u00eb, her\u00ebn e fundit q\u00eb mysliman\u00ebt kishin sovranitet de jure mbi Jeruzalemin, hebrenjve iu mohua hyrja n\u00eb vendet e tyre t\u00eb shenjta n\u00eb zon\u00eb. Prandaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se \u00e7\u00ebshtjet fetare n\u00eb konfliktin palestinez tejkalojn\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb konfliktin e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Demografia<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Demografia e konfliktit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim. Shqiptar\u00ebt etnik\u00eb jan\u00eb popullsia shumic\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Fitoret shtes\u00eb osmane n\u00eb vitet 1600 \u00e7ojn\u00eb q\u00eb serb\u00ebt t\u00eb largohen nga Kosova, p\u00ebr t’u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar nga shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb inkurajuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb l\u00ebvizur n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nga Osman\u00ebt (Juda 208. 33). Nd\u00ebrsa kjo kontestohet nga Malcolm, duke pretenduar se eksodi serb, megjith\u00ebse shquhet, nuk ishte i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe se popullsia tashm\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb zon\u00eb \u00a0t\u00eb madhe myslimane (1998, 140), rezultati mbetet q\u00eb Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht shqiptare dhe ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebr disa shekuj. Sidoqoft\u00eb, Serbia kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar demografin\u00eb p\u00ebrmes spastrimit etnik (Departamenti i Shtetit 1999, n.p.). Pavar\u00ebsisht, p\u00ebrpjekjet serbe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar demografin\u00eb ishin t\u00eb d\u00ebnuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar p\u00ebr faktin se pak serb\u00eb d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (Malcolm 1998, 355).<\/p>\n

Demografia palestinezo-izraelite \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e diskutueshme. Nd\u00ebrsa nuk ka dyshim p\u00ebr numrin e qytetar\u00ebve arab\u00eb islamik\u00eb n\u00eb Izrael, ekziston dyshimi p\u00ebr identitetin hebre t\u00eb qindra mij\u00ebra qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit izraelit\u00eb nga Rusia, India dhe Etiopia (Rosenthal 2003, 133-134). Izraeli mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb imigracionin q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet shumic\u00ebn e popullsis\u00eb hebreje. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, popullsia jo-izraelite palestineze, 1.2 milion n\u00eb Izrael dhe 4.1 milion n\u00eb Bregun Per\u00ebndimor dhe Gaza (Chamie 2010, n.p.), jan\u00eb gati ekuivalente me af\u00ebrsisht 6 milion hebrenj q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb Izrael dhe Bregun Per\u00ebndimor. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, shkalla palestineze e rritjes s\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes rritjes natyrore, tejkalon norm\u00ebn izraelite me nj\u00eb faktor prej nj\u00eb f\u00ebmije shtes\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7ift (Chamie 2010, n.p.).<\/p>\n

Prandaj, Izraeli nuk do t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb kthimi t\u00eb palestinez\u00ebve n\u00eb Izraelin me vij\u00eb t\u00eb gjelb\u00ebr. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo frik\u00eb, se arab\u00ebt do t\u00eb b\u00ebhen grupi shumic\u00eb i popullsis\u00eb, i cili nxit d\u00ebshir\u00ebn aktuale izraelite p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zgjidhje me dy shtete (El-Samhouri 2006, 100). P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, nd\u00ebrsa nuk ka asnj\u00eb dyshim n\u00eb lidhje me prejardhjen arabe dhe islamike t\u00eb palestinez\u00ebve, ka dyshim p\u00ebr numrin q\u00eb kan\u00eb lindur n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb palestinez\u00eb pasi ekziston nj\u00eb besim se shum\u00eb ishin migrant\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr nga p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi ekonomik n\u00eb rajonin palestinez, nga 1880 e tutje, nga pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme (Gottheil 1973, 315).<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb shihet, ndryshimet demografike midis pal\u00ebve t\u00eb secilit konflikt kan\u00eb paralele t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme. Si kosovar\u00ebt dhe izraelit\u00ebt d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn n\u00eb atdheun e tyre p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs nd\u00ebrsa palestinez\u00ebt po p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb demografin\u00eb p\u00ebrmes shtimit natyror dhe serb\u00ebt jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb me forc\u00ebn e arm\u00ebve. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast mund t\u00eb kuptohet se ky aspekt i kubeve \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft e barabart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Politika<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Carter dhe Byrne tregojn\u00eb se institucionet e besueshme politike ndihmojn\u00eb n\u00eb zgjidhjen e konflikteve dhe parandalojn\u00eb dhun\u00ebn (2000, 48). Kur serb\u00ebt u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb zhduknin ndikimin kosovar p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb te kujton aparteidin e Afrik\u00ebs s\u00eb Jugut, ku m\u00ebsuesit kosovar\u00eb u pushuan nga pozicionet e tyre profesionale dhe u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuan me serb\u00eb dhe malazez\u00eb, m\u00ebsuesit e shkarkuar filluan t\u00eb jepnin m\u00ebsim n\u00eb vende private (Trix 2005, 326). P\u00ebrfundimisht, af\u00ebr 400 mij\u00eb nx\u00ebn\u00ebs fillor\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb mes\u00ebm po merrnin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem shkollor paralel, i cili financohej kryesisht nga nj\u00eb taks\u00eb personale e imponuar prej 3 p\u00ebrqind. N\u00eb vitin 1992, p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar diskriminimin e qeveris\u00eb, nj\u00eb qeveri n\u00eb hije u krijua nga kosovar\u00ebt nga nje pale\u00a0 zgjedhje q\u00eb nxor\u00ebn Ibrahim Rugov\u00ebn t\u00eb zgjedhur president t\u00eb republik\u00ebs s\u00eb vet\u00ebshpallur. Rugova deklaroi arsyen e p\u00ebrgjigjes jo t\u00eb dhunshme, “Nuk ka zgjidhje tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 vet\u00ebkontrollit kur p\u00ebrballeni me terrorin<\/em>” (Trix 2005, 322).<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, palestinez\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb institucione politike q\u00eb sjellin besimin e popullit palestinez. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia jofunksionale midis dy partive kryesore politike, Hamas dhe Fatah, ka rezultuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb ndarje pothuajse skizmatike t\u00eb popullit palestinez, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar s\u00eb bashku me ndarjen fizike t\u00eb Gaz\u00ebs dhe Bregut Per\u00ebndimor (Bullock 2007, n.p.). M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, dhuna e p\u00ebrdorur nga secili grup kund\u00ebr tjetrit e delegjitimon m\u00eb tej secilin n\u00eb syt\u00eb e popullit palestinez.<\/p>\n

Aspekti politik duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb diferencim i madh midis dy konflikteve pasi\u00a0 kosovar\u00ebt zhvilluan nj\u00eb qeveri jozyrtare q\u00eb ishte legjitime n\u00eb syt\u00eb e kosovar\u00ebve nd\u00ebrsa palestinez\u00ebve u mungon nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, qeveria serbe duket t\u00eb ishte autoritare n\u00eb syt\u00eb e bot\u00ebs nd\u00ebrsa qeveria izraelite, megjith\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebanshme kund\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirjes aktive arabe islamike, \u00ebsht\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb, demokratike.<\/p>\n

Ekonomi<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Ekonomikisht, Serbia ka dy her\u00eb Prodhimin e Brendsh\u00ebm Bruto (PBB) p\u00ebr frym\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, 5300,00 $ (Departamenti i Shtetit 2010A, n.p.) deri n\u00eb 2700 $ (Departamenti i Shtetit 2010B, n.p.). P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, Kosova ka nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb papun\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebris\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb shteti m\u00eb i varf\u00ebr n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ekonomia e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur kryesisht nga pagesa t\u00eb remitancave dhe ndihm\u00eb nga bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (Shteti 2010B, n.p.). Sidoqoft\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr PBB-s\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, serbi tipik nuk ka dal\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb. Sorensen tregon se ekonomia serbe, e zhvilluar kund\u00ebr sanksioneve ekonomike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb vendosura gjat\u00eb konflikteve serbe me Bosnj\u00ebn dhe Kosov\u00ebn (2006, 322), pasuroi ata element\u00eb kriminal\u00eb t\u00eb aft\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga tregtia e zez\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, p\u00ebr serbin e zakonsh\u00ebm, nd\u00ebrsa sanksionet forcuan mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr Millosheviqin dhe rrit\u00ebn armiq\u00ebsin\u00eb serbe ndaj kosovar\u00ebve (Sorensen 2006, 326); vet\u00ebm uli cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e ul\u00ebt t\u00eb jet\u00ebs m\u00eb par\u00eb. Kosova, me nj\u00eb qeveri n\u00eb hije, zhvilloi nj\u00eb ekonomi n\u00eb hije nd\u00ebrsa Serbia t\u00ebrhoqi autonomin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs (Sorensen 2006, 334). Ndarja e ekonomive lejoi q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb rris\u00eb nivelin e kohezionit komb\u00ebtar midis kosovar\u00ebve, duke tjet\u00ebrsuar edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb serb\u00ebt q\u00eb ende jetonin n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, sanksionet kund\u00ebr Serbis\u00eb d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb kosovar\u00ebt e huaj q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb pagesa t\u00eb d\u00ebrgesave pasi bankat nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr transferimin e fondeve. Akoma, ekonomia e Kosov\u00ebs, mbetet m\u00eb e dob\u00ebta nga t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ekonomia palestineze ishte e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me Izraelin para Intifad\u00ebs 2000. N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, shum\u00eb kompani izraelite p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn fuqin\u00eb pun\u00ebtore palestineze p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtim, bujq\u00ebsi dhe pun\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimi. T\u00eb ardhurat palestineze nga k\u00ebto p\u00ebrpjekje ndihmuan n\u00eb nxitjen e ekonomis\u00eb palestineze. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, investimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb territoret palestineze ndihmuan n\u00eb zhvillimin e sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb caktuara, t\u00eb tilla si kazino n\u00eb Jeriko q\u00eb inkurajoi izraelit\u00ebt t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin sh\u00ebrbimet palestineze brenda territoreve palestineze. Sidoqoft\u00eb, mosangazhimi ekonomik izraelit nga territoret palestineze, q\u00eb nga viti 2000, ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb ekonomia palestineze t\u00eb bjer\u00eb (El-Samhouri 2006, 94), nd\u00ebrsa mezi ndikon n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb Izraelite. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, kufizimet izraelite n\u00eb qasjen palestineze n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb globale parandalojn\u00eb q\u00eb ekonomia palestineze t\u00eb rritet pa ndihm\u00ebn e Izraelit.<\/p>\n

Ndryshimi i aspektit ekonomik \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm midis dy konflikteve pasi ekonomia palestineze duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht e varur nga bashk\u00ebpunimi izraelit, nd\u00ebrsa ekonomia e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb jan\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pavarura nga nj\u00ebra-tjetra, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 tregtis\u00eb vullnetare.<\/p>\n

Psikokultura<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Aspekti psikokulturor merret me at\u00eb se si i ushqejn\u00eb konfliktet p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse reagimet e nd\u00ebrlidhura individuale dhe grupore ndaj historis\u00eb dhe simbolik\u00ebs. “Dramat psikokulturore jan\u00eb konflikte nd\u00ebrmjet grupeve p\u00ebr pretendime konkurruese dhe duksh\u00ebm t\u00eb pazgjidhshme q\u00eb vijn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb element\u00ebt qendror\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs historike, identitetit bashk\u00ebkohor dhe dyshimeve dhe frik\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb grupi” (Ross 2001, 167). Nj\u00eb shembull klasik merret me humbjen e serb\u00ebve ortodoks\u00eb nga trupat myslimane osmane n\u00eb betej\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb 1389. Miti serb p\u00ebrshkruan se si komandanti serb, Princi Lazar, u vizitua nga nj\u00eb engj\u00ebll dhe ofroi ose nj\u00eb mbret\u00ebri tok\u00ebsore ose nj\u00eb mbret\u00ebri qiellore. Llazari zgjodhi parajs\u00ebn dhe Serbia humbi luft\u00ebn (Malcolm 1998, 60-70).<\/p>\n

Humbja nxiti aq shum\u00eb nacionalizmin serb sa q\u00eb shpengimi i vet\u00ebm i mundsh\u00ebm ishte rimarrja e Kosov\u00ebs (Malcolm 1998, 70-80), gj\u00eb q\u00eb serb\u00ebt e b\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb 1912. T\u00eb humbasin p\u00ebrs\u00ebri Kosov\u00ebn, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb armik mysliman, do t\u00eb ishte pesh\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt. Sidoqoft\u00eb, kosovar\u00ebt kishin episodet e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura gjenocidale t\u00eb kryera nga serb\u00ebt si nj\u00eb forc\u00eb shtyt\u00ebse n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e tyre p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi. Sa i p\u00ebrket opinionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, gjenocidi tejkalon mitin dhe, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Kish\u00ebs Ortodokse Serbe dhe Ruse, pakkush e mban mend ose kujdeset p\u00ebr Princin Lazar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb konfliktin palestinezo-izraelit, aspektet psikokulturore merren me fatkeq\u00ebsi serioze nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt. Nd\u00ebrsa ngjarjet mund t\u00eb mos ken\u00eb ekuivalenc\u00eb morale, secila pal\u00eb pretendon viktim\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Nga pala izraelite, 2000 plus vite persekutimi t\u00eb hebrenjve p\u00ebr krime t\u00eb pretenduara, duke filluar nga Zotvrasja, te kontrolli financiar i bot\u00ebs, kulmon me Holokaustin, krimet kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit nga ku rrjedh termi gjenocid. P\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u tejkaluar, palestinez\u00ebt jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb uzurpojn\u00eb terminologjin\u00eb e konflikteve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb krime shtes\u00eb kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb spastrimin etnik n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi, Aparteidin e Afrik\u00ebs s\u00eb Jugut dhe Holokaustin n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb terrenin e lart\u00eb moral nga izraelit\u00ebt gjithashtu duke marr\u00eb mantelin e viktim\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme.<\/p>\n

Secili prej kat\u00ebr grupeve ka identitete t\u00eb dallueshme kulturore, pavar\u00ebsisht nga v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsia e incidenteve q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb ato identitete. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, secili grup ka nj\u00eb paraqitje p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb viktim\u00eb me nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar me dhun\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb arrij\u00eb sigurin\u00eb e grupit t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, faktor\u00ebt psikokulturor\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb nga t\u00eb gjitha an\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundim<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Si\u00e7 tregohet duke krahasuar modelin gjasht\u00eb aspektesh t\u00eb kubizmit social p\u00ebr dy konflikte t\u00eb ndara, konflikti serb \/ kosovar ndan disa tipare me konfliktin izraelit \/ palestinez. Sidoqoft\u00eb, duket se problemet me t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrballen ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebve u \u00ebsht\u00eb besuar zgjidhja e konfliktit Palestinez \/ Izraelit jan\u00eb me nj\u00eb ashp\u00ebrsi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe sesa shihen n\u00eb konfliktin Serb \/ Kosovar. N\u00eb fakt, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet n\u00eb konfliktin Palestinez \/ Izraelit i ngjajn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb konfliktit n\u00eb Irland\u00ebn e Veriut (Carter dhe Byrne 2000, 57) sesa konflikti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Pamund\u00ebsia e palestinez\u00ebve p\u00ebr t’u bashkuar, politikisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb ndoshta \u00e7\u00ebshtja kryesore e pangjashm\u00ebris\u00eb me kosovar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Nga pala izraelite, ata nuk kan\u00eb kryer krime lufte n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn shkall\u00eb t\u00eb neveritshme si\u00e7 ishin kryer nga serb\u00ebt. N\u00eb vitin 1998, presidenti serb, Slobodan Milloshevi\u00e7, informoi Komandantin Suprem t\u00eb Aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb NATO-s se Serbia do t\u00eb merrej me kosovar\u00ebt ashtu si\u00e7 kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb 55 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb – “Ne i vram\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb” (Lieberman 2006, 324). Duke pasur k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb mendje, NATO nuk kishte zgjidhje tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se t\u00eb bombardonte Serbin\u00eb p\u00ebr ta n\u00ebnshtruar dhe t\u00eb instalonte nj\u00eb forc\u00eb paqeruajt\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur Kosov\u00ebn. Asnj\u00eb kusht i till\u00eb nuk ka ndodhur n\u00eb konfliktin Palestinez \/ Izraelit p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje t\u00eb till\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, pavar\u00ebsisht se Palestinez\u00ebt dhe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tyre po zhvillojn\u00eb nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb propagandistike duke u p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb bindin bot\u00ebn se Izraelit\u00ebt jan\u00eb m\u00eb keq se Serb\u00ebt, Afrikano-Jugor\u00ebt e Bardh\u00eb dhe Nazist\u00ebt. P\u00ebrpos “predikimit n\u00eb kor”, fushata propagandistike palestineze ka pasur pak efekt n\u00eb zgjidhjen e konfliktit.<\/p>\n

Nga gjasht\u00eb aspektet e kubizmit social, duket se vet\u00ebm tre; historike, demografike dhe psikokulturore, shfaqin nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebris\u00eb midis konflikteve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Palestin\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrsa tre aspektet e tjera; feja, politika dhe ekonomia, kan\u00eb pak gj\u00ebra t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta. Duke qen\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, n\u00ebse palestinez\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb ndjekin rrug\u00ebn e bashkimit jo t\u00eb dhunshme q\u00eb ndoq\u00ebn kosovar\u00ebt para vitit 1997, ku opinioni publik nuk kishte zgjidhje tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteste ambiciet kosovare dhe ku Izraelit nuk do t’i mbetet tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se t\u00eb korrigjoj\u00eb situat\u00ebn ekonomike, nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb ngjashme me Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr konfliktin palestinez.<\/p>\n

28 N\u00ebntor 2010<\/em> – Marr\u00eb nga Nacionale<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Jack Sigman Konflikti midis palestinez\u00ebve dhe izraelit\u00ebve ka okupuar \u00e7\u00ebshtjet bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebr dekada. Pavar\u00ebsisht sa shum\u00eb ose sa pak p\u00ebrpjekje jan\u00eb shpenzuar gjat\u00eb asaj periudhe kohore, konflikti p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb palestineze duket se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr zgjidhjes sesa ishte gjat\u00eb mund\u00ebsis\u00eb fillestare p\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb ofruar n\u00eb 1947, kur Kombet e Bashkuara votuan […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":68461,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,4,35],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-68460","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-artikuj","category-histori","category-kulture"],"yoast_head":"\nKOSOVA DHE PALESTINA: Nj\u00eb studim krahasues - FJALA e LIR\u00cb<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/kosova-dhe-palestina-nje-studim-krahasues\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"KOSOVA DHE PALESTINA: Nj\u00eb studim krahasues - FJALA e LIR\u00cb\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Jack Sigman Konflikti midis palestinez\u00ebve dhe izraelit\u00ebve ka okupuar \u00e7\u00ebshtjet bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebr dekada. 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