{"id":73880,"date":"2021-12-07T02:10:38","date_gmt":"2021-12-07T01:10:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/?p=73880"},"modified":"2021-12-10T22:36:09","modified_gmt":"2021-12-10T21:36:09","slug":"kryengritja-e-bjellorusise-udheheqesja-revolucionare-aksidentale","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jehonashqiptare.al\/fjala\/kryengritja-e-bjellorusise-udheheqesja-revolucionare-aksidentale\/","title":{"rendered":"Kryengritja e Bjellorusis\u00eb – Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsja Revolucionare Aksidentale"},"content":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebr shum\u00eb bjellorus\u00eb, neveria e Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e b\u00ebri at\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet efektiv p\u00ebr d\u00ebshir\u00ebn dhe zem\u00ebrimin.<\/em> Fotografia nga Andrew Miksys p\u00ebr The New Yorker<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb reporter i famsh\u00ebm<\/em><\/p>\n

Si arriti Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya t\u00eb sfidoj\u00eb diktatur\u00ebn e vendit t\u00eb saj.<\/h3>\n

Nga Dexter Filkins<\/strong>, NewYorker.com<\/a> – 6 dhjetor 2021<\/em> – P\u00ebrktheu Arben \u00c7okaj<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

N<\/span>\u00eb an\u00ebn veriore t\u00eb Sheshit t\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, n\u00eb kryeqytetin e Bjellorusis\u00eb, Minsk, \u00ebsht\u00eb Sht\u00ebpia e Qeveris\u00eb – nj\u00eb rresht nd\u00ebrtesash t\u00eb bardha kuboide, secila me nj\u00eb tabel\u00eb me dritare identike t\u00eb zeza. An\u00ebtar\u00ebt e parlamentit hyjn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes hyrjes kryesore, duke kaluar nj\u00eb statuj\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb Leninit dhe nj\u00eb varg pem\u00ebsh, q\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb mes disa hektar\u00ebsh trotuare dhe tullash. Personat q\u00eb duan t\u00eb vizitojn\u00eb Komisionin Qendror t\u00eb Zgjedhjeve p\u00ebrdorin nj\u00eb hyrje t\u00eb vog\u00ebl n\u00eb t\u00eb djatht\u00eb. Pasditen e 10 gushtit 2020, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya<\/a> hyri n\u00eb hyrjen m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, p\u00ebr t’u ankuar se fitorja e saj n\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale ishte vjedhur.<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya nuk ishte nj\u00eb politikane karriere; ajo ishte e bija e nj\u00eb shoferi kamioni<\/strong>, n\u00ebn\u00eb e dy f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, e cila kishte l\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb karrier\u00ebn si m\u00ebsuese e anglishtes p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar djalin e saj t\u00eb shurdh\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebsonte t\u00eb fliste. Nj\u00eb seri e pamundur ngjarjesh e kishin shtyr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb sfidonte Presidentin Alexander Lukashenko, diktatorin e fundit n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, p\u00ebr udh\u00ebheqjen e Bjellorusis\u00eb<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Disa muaj m\u00eb par\u00eb, bashk\u00ebshorti i Tsikhanouskaya, nj\u00eb gazetar i quajtur Siarhei Tsikhanouski, kishte deklaruar kandidatur\u00ebn e tij kund\u00ebr Lukashenkos, t\u00eb cilin ai e kishte tallur pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm si nj\u00eb autokrat t\u00eb paaft\u00eb, nj\u00eb “kacabu” q\u00eb po rr\u00ebnonte vendin. P\u00ebr vite t\u00eb t\u00ebra, Lukashenko kishte organizuar rregullisht zgjedhje presidenciale dhe \u00e7do her\u00eb pretendonte nj\u00eb fitore t\u00eb leht\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb, pati nj\u00eb reagim t\u00eb fort\u00eb popullor, i frym\u00ebzuar pjes\u00ebrisht nga raportet e Siarheit. Ai u arrestua dhe u hodh n\u00eb nj\u00eb “qeli d\u00ebnimi”, nj\u00eb kuti betoni t\u00eb lagur pa dritare. Qindra t\u00eb tjer\u00eb tashm\u00eb ishin burgosur p\u00ebr v\u00ebnien n\u00eb dyshim t\u00eb regjimit.<\/p>\n

Me Siarhein n\u00eb burg, Tsikhanouskaya vendosi t\u00eb drejtonte vet\u00eb. N\u00eb fillim, ajo hezitoi. Kur e takova koh\u00ebt e fundit, ajo rrezatonte bukuri t\u00eb sinqert\u00eb: fytyra e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb e gjer\u00eb, e p\u00ebrshtatur nga flok\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb kafe, z\u00ebri i saj i thjesht\u00eb dhe i fort\u00eb. “Un\u00eb jam e rast\u00ebsishme<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha ajo. \u201cUn\u00eb nuk po e nd\u00ebrtoj karrier\u00ebn time, nuk po heq hesapet, nuk e di gjuh\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs, nuk m\u00eb p\u00eblqen ky biznes. Un\u00eb po e b\u00ebj k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebr popullin bjellorus dhe p\u00ebr burrin tim. E burgos\u00ebn p\u00ebr asgj\u00eb.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Platforma e Tsikhanouskaya p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej nga vet\u00ebm tre k\u00ebrkesa: liria p\u00ebr t\u00eb burgosurit politik\u00eb; nj\u00eb kushtetut\u00eb e re q\u00eb reduktonte kompetencat e Presidenc\u00ebs; dhe zgjedhje t\u00eb reja. Por fjalimet e saj ishin galvanizuese. “Zyrtar\u00ebt shtet\u00ebror\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb se nuk jan\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt individual\u00eb, por njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb pushtetin e tyre<\/em>,” i tha ajo nj\u00eb turme t\u00eb trazuar n\u00eb Minsk. “Dhe njer\u00ebzit jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngopur duke jetuar n\u00eb posht\u00ebrim dhe frik\u00eb<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Lukashenko nuk pranoi t\u00eb debatonte me Tsikhanouskaya dhe me sa duket nuk e konsideroi at\u00eb si nj\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta arrestuar. “Kushtetuta jon\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb grua dhe shoq\u00ebria jon\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb votoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb grua<\/em>,” tha ai n\u00eb nj\u00eb mbledhje n\u00eb nj\u00eb fabrik\u00eb traktor\u00ebsh n\u00eb maj. \u201cPresidenti do t\u00eb jet\u00eb burr\u00eb, jam m\u00eb se i sigurt<\/em>\u201d. Por, me shpejt\u00ebsi befasuese, bjellorus\u00ebt mor\u00ebn an\u00ebn e saj kund\u00ebr regjimit. Opozita miratoi nj\u00eb flamur bardh e kuq – nj\u00eb simbol i p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi, n\u00eb 1918 – t\u00eb cilin Lukashenko e ka ndaluar q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb. Ata gjithashtu filluan t\u00eb mbanin shirita t\u00eb bardh\u00eb, si nj\u00eb sinjal mb\u00ebshtetjeje. Tubimet e Tsikhanouskaya t\u00ebrhoq\u00ebn turma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. “Ne ngrit\u00ebm nj\u00eb sken\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb mikrofon n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb dhe erdh\u00ebn pes\u00eb mij\u00eb njer\u00ebz<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha nj\u00eb ndihm\u00ebs shtypi i quajtur Gleb German.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb dit\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, m\u00eb 9 gusht, bjellorus\u00ebt u dynd\u00ebn drejt qendrave t\u00eb votimit, me qindra mij\u00ebra t\u00eb veshur me shirita t\u00eb bardh\u00eb n\u00eb ky\u00e7et e dor\u00ebs. Tsikhanouskaya dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj ishin t\u00eb sigurt se ajo kishte fituar. Por, at\u00eb nat\u00eb, Lukashenko deklaroi se kishte marr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se tet\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb votave \u2013 nj\u00eb pretendim absurd, i cili i nxori protestuesit e indinjuar n\u00eb rrug\u00eb<\/a>. Nd\u00ebrsa Tsikhanouskaya iu lut turmave t\u00eb q\u00ebndronin paq\u00ebsore, policia e Lukashenkos hodhi granata trullos\u00ebse, rrahu dhe hodhi gaz lotsjell\u00ebs ndaj demonstruesve dhe arrestoi mij\u00ebra.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen, me rrug\u00ebt p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb mbushura me protestues, Tsikhanouskaya dhe avokati i saj, Maxim Znak, iu afruan komisionit zgjedhor p\u00ebr t\u00eb paraqitur protest\u00ebn e saj. Pran\u00eb hyrjes, ata gjet\u00ebn nj\u00eb kordon oficer\u00ebsh sigurie me kostume t\u00eb err\u00ebta, me arm\u00eb n\u00eb brez; dy burra prisnin brenda. Ata e njoh\u00ebn nj\u00ebrin prej tyre si Andrei Pavlyuchenko, nj\u00eb zbatues fam\u00ebkeq, q\u00eb ka sh\u00ebrbyer si shef i siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Lukashenkos dhe shef i policis\u00eb s\u00eb tij t\u00eb internetit.<\/p>\n

Burrat i than\u00eb Znak t\u00eb largohej, m\u00eb pas e \u00e7uan Tsikhanouskaya n\u00eb nj\u00eb dhom\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebt dhe mbyll\u00ebn der\u00ebn. “Fushata juaj ka mbaruar<\/em>,” i tha Pavlyuchenko asaj. Ata i dhan\u00eb asaj nj\u00eb zgjedhje, kujton ajo. Ajo mund t\u00eb shkonte n\u00eb burg, duke l\u00ebn\u00eb djalin dhe vajz\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb rriteshin nga t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Ose ajo mund t\u00eb largohej menj\u00ebher\u00eb nga vendi; nj\u00eb makin\u00eb po priste. “Gjith\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund t\u00eb mendoja ishin f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e mi<\/em>,” tha ajo.<\/p>\n

Disa or\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, dy zyrtar\u00ebt e \u00e7uan Tsikhanouskaya drejt nj\u00eb dalje t\u00eb pasme. N\u00eb dalje, ajo kaloi Znakun. “M\u00eb falni, Maks<\/em>,” tha ajo nd\u00ebrsa po dilte me nxitim nga dera.<\/p>\n

Burrat e kaluan me makin\u00eb Tsikhanouskaya n\u00ebp\u00ebr qytet, duke kaluar turmat e protestuesve, disa duke brohoritur emrin e saj. Thirrjet ishin aq t\u00eb forta sa dukej se xhamat e makin\u00ebs dridheshin. “Shiko \u00e7far\u00eb ke b\u00ebr\u00eb<\/em>,” tha nj\u00ebri nga burrat. Disa minuta m\u00eb von\u00eb, ata arrit\u00ebn n\u00eb sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Tsikhanouskaya dhe burrat i than\u00eb asaj t\u00eb paketonte nj\u00eb \u00e7ant\u00eb. Atje asaj iu bashkua Maryia Maroz, menaxherja e fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb saj. Edhe ajo po d\u00ebbohej.<\/p>\n

Burrat i ngarkuan n\u00eb makin\u00ebn e Marozit, me Pavlyuchenko n\u00eb sediljen e pasagjerit dhe automjetet e policis\u00eb p\u00ebrpara dhe pas. Rreth or\u00ebs 3 t\u00eb m\u00ebngjesit, ata mb\u00ebrrit\u00ebn n\u00eb kufirin e Lituanis\u00eb, ku dy f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e vegj\u00ebl t\u00eb Marozit prisnin ta takonin. Pavlyuchenko doli dhe u tha t\u00eb kalonin me makin\u00eb p\u00ebrmes post\u00ebs kufitare, e cila dukej e p\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr mb\u00ebrritjen e tyre. Tsikhanouskaya mendoi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb moment se ajo mund t\u00eb q\u00ebllohej, por makina vazhdoi t\u00eb l\u00ebvizte dhe ajo kaloi n\u00eb Lituani.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen n\u00eb m\u00ebngjes, dy video t\u00eb Tsikhanouskaya u shfaq\u00ebn n\u00eb internet. Ajo dukej e rraskapitur, e trishtuar, e thyer. N\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebn, t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa po ndalohej n\u00eb Bjellorusi, ajo u tha protestuesve t\u00eb shkonin n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, se protestat kishin mbaruar. N\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00ebn, t\u00eb regjistruar pasi ajo kishte ikur nga vendi, Tsikhanouskaya ishte e lir\u00eb, por mesazhi i saj ishte edhe m\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimtar. Ajo u tha popullit t\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb se ishte mundur. \u201cMendova se kjo fushat\u00eb m\u00eb kishte \u00e7elikuar v\u00ebrtet dhe m\u00eb kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb aq shum\u00eb forc\u00eb sa mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballoja \u00e7do gj\u00eb<\/em>,\u201d tha ajo, duke luftuar me lot\u00ebt. “Por mendoj se jam ende e nj\u00ebjta grua e dob\u00ebt q\u00eb kam qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb<\/em>.” Pak \u00e7aste m\u00eb von\u00eb, video u err\u00ebsua.<\/p>\n

K<\/span>ur vizitova Minskun, korrikun e kaluar, prisja t\u00eb gjeja nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb zymt\u00eb post-sovjetik, me shum\u00ebkat\u00ebshe betoni dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar, q\u00eb dilnin n\u00ebp\u00ebr rrug\u00eb. Kisha gjysm\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb qytetit ishte e rrethuar nga nd\u00ebrtesat brutaliste dhe monumentet sovjetike; Avenue e Pushtuesve ishte n\u00eb hije nga Stela, nj\u00eb obelisk pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00ebkat\u00ebsh me nj\u00eb maj\u00eb si thik\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb lagje t\u00eb tjera, bulevardet e gjera dhe kafenet\u00eb n\u00eb natyr\u00eb e b\u00ebn\u00eb Minskun t\u00eb ndihej po aq kozmopolit sa Berlini. Vura re vet\u00ebm disa mbetje t\u00eb protestave: nj\u00eb flamur bardh e kuq u shpalos nga nj\u00eb dritare e katit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb dhe u t\u00ebrhoq shpejt brenda; nj\u00eb procesion grash t\u00eb veshura me t\u00eb bardha, t\u00eb cilat ecnin n\u00eb heshtje dhe shpejt u zhduk\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Ikonografia e regjimit aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e pranishme. Nj\u00eb m\u00ebngjes, nd\u00ebrsa kaloja me nj\u00eb taksi p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb kolone me automjete ushtarake, shoferi im qeshi dhe m\u00eb tregoi me gisht. “Lukashenko<\/em>,” tha ai. “Bum-bum-bum-bum.” Lukashenko \u00ebsht\u00eb gjasht\u00ebdhjet\u00eb e shtat\u00eb, nj\u00eb figur\u00eb bombastike me nj\u00eb kok\u00eb t\u00eb madhe katrore, nj\u00eb mustaqe t\u00eb shkurtuar ngusht\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb qaf\u00eb t\u00eb trash\u00eb q\u00eb fryhet pas k\u00ebmishave t\u00eb tij. “Ai ka nj\u00eb lloj karizme negative<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Pavel Latushka, nj\u00eb ish-minist\u00ebr i kultur\u00ebs q\u00eb u largua nga Bjellorusia vitin e kaluar, pasi denoncoi represionin. \u201cQ\u00eb nga momenti kur e takoni, ai po ju dominon<\/em>.\u201d N\u00eb seancat e kabinetit, ministrat e tij shpesh kan\u00eb frik\u00eb t\u00eb takojn\u00eb v\u00ebshtrimin e tij. Nj\u00eb her\u00eb, m\u00eb tha Latushka, Presidenti ndaloi nj\u00eb diskutim p\u00ebr biznesin e qeveris\u00eb p\u00ebr ta paralajm\u00ebruar: “N\u00ebse m\u00eb tradh\u00ebton ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, un\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00eb mbys me duart e mia<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

Lukashenko \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrballur shpesh me sfida me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime. Pasi ai pretendoi fitoren ndaj Tsikhanouskaya, vendet per\u00ebndimore vendos\u00ebn sanksione gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse ndaj regjimit t\u00eb tij. Si p\u00ebrgjigje, Lukashenko nd\u00ebrmori nj\u00eb skem\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme<\/a>, p\u00ebr t\u00eb destabilizuar shtetet fqinje, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz nga Iraku, Afganistani dhe gjetk\u00eb u ftuan t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin Bjellorusin\u00eb si nj\u00eb trampolin\u00eb p\u00ebr migrimin n\u00eb per\u00ebndim. Nd\u00ebrsa refugjat\u00ebt u grumbulluan n\u00eb kampe t\u00eb shkreta n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e Polonis\u00eb dhe Lituanis\u00eb, pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e Evrop\u00ebs u p\u00ebrfshi n\u00eb kriz\u00eb. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur u zgjidh, k\u00ebt\u00eb vjesht\u00eb, zgjedhjet q\u00eb e nis\u00ebn at\u00eb, u harruan kryesisht n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim.<\/p>\n

Brenda vendit t\u00eb tij, Lukashenko ka imponuar nj\u00eb lloj paternalizmi t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr. \u201cAi e konsideron veten mbrojt\u00ebs t\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb \u2013 nga Per\u00ebndimi, nga Rusia, nga ekstremist\u00ebt brenda<\/em>\u201d, m\u00eb tha nj\u00eb person q\u00eb e njeh prej shum\u00eb vitesh. “Ai mendon se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt jan\u00eb nj\u00eb foshnj\u00eb, nj\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb, kund\u00ebr madh\u00ebshtis\u00eb s\u00eb tij<\/em>.” Lukashenko, vazhdoi ky person, ka ruajtur rendin, kryesisht me forc\u00ebn e vullnetit t\u00eb tij dhe me nxitjen e forcave t\u00eb tij t\u00eb siguris\u00eb: \u201cRrug\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb pastra, njer\u00ebzit shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb. Bjellorusia \u00ebsht\u00eb ende nj\u00eb shtet sovjetik dhe Lukashenko \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb personalitet sovjetik.<\/em>” Forca e frikshme e policis\u00eb sekrete e vendit njihet ende si KGB.<\/p>\n

Lukashenko, f\u00ebmija i vet\u00ebm i nj\u00eb n\u00ebne t\u00eb braktisur, u rrit n\u00eb fshatin Kopys, n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb ishte Republika Socialiste Sovjetike Bjelloruse. Ai e filloi karrier\u00ebn e tij si funksionar i mitur sovjetik, duke punuar si roje kufiri, pedagog ideologjik dhe drejtues i nj\u00eb ferme derrash n\u00eb pron\u00ebsi t\u00eb shtetit.<\/em> Kur Bashkimi Sovjetik u shemb, n\u00eb vitin 1991, Rusia u b\u00eb e pavarur dhe Republika Bjelloruse, e shk\u00ebputur nga spiranca e saj, pasoi. Lukashenko ishte tridhjet\u00eb e shtat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Bjellorusia kishte fituar pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e trazuar af\u00ebr fundit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, por ajo nuk zgjati aq sa duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb lul\u00ebzonte nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb e identitetit komb\u00ebtar. Midis 1937 dhe 1940, pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e elit\u00ebs u fshi, pasi spastrimet staliniste p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb vendin. Shum\u00eb viktima jan\u00eb varrosur n\u00eb varre masive n\u00eb Kurapaty, nj\u00eb pyll jasht\u00eb Minskut, i cili mund t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7erek milioni njer\u00ebz. Duke vizituar atje, gjeta kryqe q\u00eb shtriheshin aq thell\u00eb n\u00eb pisha saq\u00eb shtrirja m\u00eb e larg\u00ebt ishte e padukshme n\u00eb hije. Nacionalizmi bjellorus nuk u shtyp aq shum\u00eb sa u shkat\u00ebrrua.<\/p>\n

Kur pavar\u00ebsia erdhi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri, pati nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb kaotike p\u00ebrshtatjeje. M\u00eb pas, n\u00eb vitin 1994, Bjellorusia mbajti zgjedhjet e para dhe t\u00eb vetme t\u00eb lira. Lukashenko kandidoi si nj\u00eb populist, duke luftuar korrupsionin; gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs ai vishte \u00e7do dit\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn xhaket\u00eb. N\u00eb detyr\u00eb, ai premtoi t\u00eb ruante rrjetin e siguris\u00eb dhe pun\u00ebsimin e q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb rendit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, duke q\u00ebndruar kund\u00ebr kaosit q\u00eb pushtoi shtetet postkomuniste, q\u00eb kishin tentuar nj\u00eb tranzicion t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb drejt ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb tregut. “Ne nuk ndoq\u00ebm rrug\u00ebn e shkat\u00ebrrimit<\/em>,” u tha Lukashenko gazetar\u00ebve rus\u00eb n\u00eb 2005. “Ne q\u00ebndruam n\u00eb themelin q\u00eb u krijua n\u00eb Bashkimin Sovjetik, k\u00ebtu, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tok\u00eb dhe filluam t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonim nj\u00eb ekonomi normale<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim, Lukashenko b\u00ebri ndryshime kushtetuese q\u00eb e lejuan at\u00eb t\u00eb konsolidonte pushtetin. Disa nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tij politik\u00eb u zhduk\u00ebn dhe supozohej se ishin vrar\u00eb me urdh\u00ebr t\u00eb tij. N\u00eb vitin 2001, me shtypin e heshtur dhe parlamentin e mbytur, Lukashenko organizoi ato q\u00eb konsideroheshin gjer\u00ebsisht si zgjedhje t\u00eb manipuluara; pasuan disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. “Ata vendosin p\u00ebrpara kohe, Lukashenko do t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb tet\u00ebdhjet\u00eb e tet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind t\u00eb votave<\/em>,” tha Jaroslav Romanchuk, i cili kandidoi n\u00eb 2010. Sa her\u00eb q\u00eb protestuesit dilnin n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, policia kund\u00ebr trazirave godiste. N\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalim k\u00ebt\u00eb ver\u00eb, Lukashenko paralajm\u00ebroi inteligjenc\u00ebn e vendit q\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndronte jasht\u00eb politik\u00ebs: “Para se t\u00eb b\u00ebni di\u00e7ka, mendoni – shikoni \u00e7do hap tuajin<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

\u00c7el\u00ebsi i mbijetes\u00ebs s\u00eb Lukashenkos ishte nj\u00eb garanci e pashprehur ruse. Duke filluar nga vitet nj\u00eb mij\u00eb e n\u00ebnt\u00ebqind e n\u00ebnt\u00ebdhjet\u00eb, Rusia ra dakord t\u00eb shiste n\u00eb Bjellorusi sasi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha nafte dhe gazi natyror me \u00e7mime t\u00eb zbritura. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje i siguroi Bjellorusis\u00eb nj\u00eb standard relativisht t\u00eb lart\u00eb jetese, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb lejoi qeverin\u00eb e Lukashenkos t\u00eb rishiste produktet e naft\u00ebs jasht\u00eb vendit me \u00e7mimet e tregut. Bjellorus\u00eb t\u00eb shquar dhe diplomat\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00eb vler\u00ebsuan se me kalimin e viteve, fitimet e kompanive ruse dhe bjelloruse t\u00eb energjis\u00eb arrit\u00ebn n\u00eb dhjet\u00ebra miliarda dollar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sipas k\u00ebtyre zyrtar\u00ebve, Lukashenko u pasurua gjithashtu nga shitja e gazit dhe naft\u00ebs ruse dhe nga kontrabanda midis Evrop\u00ebs dhe Rusis\u00eb. Nj\u00eb raport p\u00ebr Kongresin e SHBA, i botuar n\u00eb vitin 2006, e vler\u00ebsoi pasurin\u00eb e tij personale n\u00eb nj\u00eb miliard dollar\u00eb. Me siguri \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb; nj\u00eb ish-zyrtar i lart\u00eb bjellorus e tha at\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr dhjet\u00eb miliard\u00eb, duke shtuar se Lukashenko e drejtonte vendin si “nj\u00eb biznes familjar<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

Zyrtar\u00ebt e Lukashenkos mbeten besnik\u00eb, pjes\u00ebrisht sepse lejohen t\u00eb pasurohen, nga kontrabanda, ryshfetet dhe \u00e7far\u00ebdo mjeti tjet\u00ebr, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb. Stanislav Luponosov, nj\u00eb ish oficer sigurie q\u00eb hetoi krimin e organizuar dhe korrupsionin, m\u00eb tha se zyra e Lukashenkos dhe KGB i identifikonin njer\u00ebzit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb rutinore p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos i ndjekur. \u201cKur kjo ndodhte, njeriu duhej t\u00eb bindej<\/em>,\u201d tha ai.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, Lukashenko pohoi afinitetin e vendit t\u00eb tij me Rusin\u00eb, “v\u00ebllan\u00eb ton\u00eb t\u00eb madh<\/em>“. Ai e b\u00ebri rusishten gjuh\u00eb zyrtare. Tekstet shkollore u rishkruan p\u00ebr t\u00eb theksuar kultur\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb dy vendeve; kontrollet e imigracionit u eliminuan plot\u00ebsisht. Lukashenko i minimizoi vazhdimisht krimet e Stalinit, duke deklaruar nj\u00eb her\u00eb: “Un\u00eb absolutisht nuk jam i mendimit se Stalini \u00ebsht\u00eb armiku<\/em>“. Disa vite m\u00eb par\u00eb, ai shprehu miratimin e nj\u00eb restoranti t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb Kurapaty, me pamje nga varret e viktimave t\u00eb Stalinit. U quajt Le t\u00eb shkojm\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ham\u00eb<\/em>.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve nj\u00ebmij\u00eb e n\u00ebnt\u00ebqind e n\u00ebnt\u00ebdhjet\u00eb, Lukashenko propozoi bashkimin e Rusis\u00eb dhe Bjellorusis\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, t\u00eb cilin ai imagjinonte se do ta drejtonte. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Vladimir Putin<\/a> erdhi n\u00eb pushtet dhe filloi t\u00eb cenonte pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Bjellorusis\u00eb. Dy burrat shfaqeshin shpesh s\u00eb bashku, Putini i padep\u00ebrtuesh\u00ebm dhe i leht\u00eb, dhe Lukashenko i ndezur dhe imponues. Por ishte gjithmon\u00eb e qart\u00eb se kush dominonte; n\u00eb nj\u00eb foto t\u00eb vitit 2018, Lukashenko q\u00ebndronte me k\u00ebmb\u00ebt e hapura p\u00ebr t’u ulur n\u00eb lart\u00ebsin\u00eb e Putinit. Gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb takimi vitin e kaluar n\u00eb Detin e Zi, mediat ruse t\u00eb lajmeve treguan Lukashenkon duke u g\u00ebzuar n\u00eb val\u00ebt e ftohta, nd\u00ebrsa Putini q\u00ebndroi i sigurt n\u00eb tok\u00eb t\u00eb that\u00eb. Televizioni shtet\u00ebror raportoi se Putin i kishte k\u00ebrkuar t\u00eb futej n\u00eb uj\u00eb. “Putini k\u00ebnaqet duke e posht\u00ebruar at\u00eb<\/em>,” tha ish-ministri Latushka.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, Lukashenko lul\u00ebzoi. Nj\u00eb tifoz i hokejit n\u00eb akull, ai ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb luante p\u00ebr kamerat, me sukses t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm. Ai lindi t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nj\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb jasht\u00eb martese – nj\u00eb djal\u00eb i quajtur Nikolai, i cili besohet gjer\u00ebsisht si pasardh\u00ebsi i tij i zgjedhur. Ai ka mbajtur gjithashtu nj\u00eb varg dashnoresh. Gruaja q\u00eb p\u00ebrflitet se ishte e fundit e tij, Maria Vasilevich, u kuror\u00ebzua Miss Bjellorusia n\u00eb vitin 2018. (Vasilevich ka mohuar se lidhja \u00ebsht\u00eb romantike.) Dyshja u shfaq\u00ebn s\u00eb bashku n\u00eb nj\u00eb ndeshje hokej dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrcim zyrtar. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2019, Lukashenko i dha asaj nj\u00eb medalje shtet\u00ebrore p\u00ebr kontributin n\u00eb nj\u00eb “ringjallje shpirt\u00ebrore<\/em>” n\u00eb Bjellorusi. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e atij viti, t\u00eb cilat rezultuan n\u00eb nj\u00eb spastrim p\u00ebr partit\u00eb besnike t\u00eb Lukashenkos, Vasilevich fitoi nj\u00eb vend n\u00eb parlament.<\/p>\n

S<\/span>viatlana Tsikhanouskaya ka lindur n\u00eb vitin 1982, gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb sundimit sovjetik. Ajo u rrit n\u00eb Mikashevichi, nj\u00eb qytet minierash graniti n\u00eb Bjellorusin\u00eb jugore, ku babai i saj drejtonte nj\u00eb kamion p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fabrik\u00eb \u00e7imentoje dhe n\u00ebna e saj punonte si kuzhiniere n\u00eb nj\u00eb kafene. N\u00eb momentet e lira, prind\u00ebrit e saj lexonin sa t\u00eb mundnin, por duhej t\u00eb b\u00ebnin kujdes se \u00e7far\u00eb diskutonin me f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e tyre. “Si \u00e7do familje, ne fol\u00ebm p\u00ebr politik\u00eb<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Tsikhanouskaya. “Por n\u00eb kuzhin\u00eb, duke p\u00ebshp\u00ebritur, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb askush nuk mund t\u00eb d\u00ebgjonte<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Kur Tsikhanouskaya ishte tre vje\u00e7, centrali b\u00ebrthamor i \u00c7ernobilit<\/a> u shkri p\u00ebrtej kufirit dhe nj\u00eb re e madhe kontaminimi u p\u00ebrhap. Rreth shtat\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebr qind e pasojave zbarkuan n\u00eb Bjellorusi dhe krijuan nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb paprecedent\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetit publik. Rrezatimi helmoi shiun, barin, qum\u00ebshtin dhe mishin e lop\u00ebve. Mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz u s\u00ebmur\u00ebn. “Ne nuk mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebtonim<\/em>,” tha Tsikhanouskaya. Me shpres\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur s\u00ebmundjen, n\u00ebna e saj pinte ver\u00eb t\u00eb kuqe – nj\u00eb got\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl n\u00eb dit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Si vajz\u00eb, Tsikhanouskaya studioi anglisht, n\u00eb nj\u00eb program eksperimental q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte tekste amerikane dhe gjuha frym\u00ebzoi kureshtjen p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn. “E dija se kishte di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb se ajo q\u00eb po jetonim<\/em>,” tha ajo. N\u00eb vitin 1996, kur ajo ishte tremb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vje\u00e7, nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb bamir\u00ebse e quajtur Chernobyl Lifeline ftoi nj\u00eb grup f\u00ebmij\u00ebsh bjellorus\u00eb t\u00eb kalonin ver\u00ebn n\u00eb Roscrea, Irland\u00eb, nj\u00eb qytet i lasht\u00eb tregu n\u00eb County Tipperary. F\u00ebmij\u00ebt u zgjodh\u00ebn sepse pasojat i kishin l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt. Tsikhanouskaya ishte e sh\u00ebndetshme, por m\u00ebsuesja e saj e anglishtes gjithsesi e shtoi at\u00eb n\u00eb grup, sepse ajo ishte studentja e saj yll.<\/p>\n

Henry Deane, nj\u00eb nga organizator\u00ebt e Chernobyl Lifeline, m\u00eb tha se f\u00ebmij\u00ebt bjellorus\u00eb ushqeheshin heroikisht, \u00e7oheshin te mjek\u00ebt dhe dentist\u00ebt dhe festoheshin n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Roscrea; kur u organizoi ahengje n\u00eb kopsht, erdh\u00ebn qindra vendas. Gjat\u00eb udh\u00ebtimeve n\u00ebp\u00ebr fshat, Deane e vendosi Sviatlan\u00ebn n\u00eb sediljen e p\u00ebrparme, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthente p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb. Bisedat varionin gjer\u00ebsisht, n\u00eb tema t\u00eb tilla kontestuese si Zoti dhe politika. “Sveta ishte kurioze p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka<\/em>,” tha Deane.<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya u kthye n\u00eb Irland\u00eb p\u00ebr tre vera t\u00eb tjera dhe u mahnit nga sa t\u00eb hapur dhe t\u00eb g\u00ebzuar dukeshin qytetar\u00ebt. “Un\u00eb pash\u00eb q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb lumtur dhe t\u00eb sjellsh\u00ebm \u00e7do dit\u00eb – nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb normale p\u00ebr bjellorus\u00ebt<\/em>,” tha ajo. \u201cKur shkova n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, u p\u00ebrpoqa t\u00eb jem e sjellshme. Un\u00eb buz\u00ebqeshja. Njer\u00ebzit menduan se isha e \u00e7uditshme<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n

Pas shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme, Tsikhanouskaya u regjistrua n\u00eb kolegj n\u00eb Mazyr, nj\u00eb qytet i vog\u00ebl dy or\u00eb me makin\u00eb nga qyteti i saj i lindjes, dhe filloi trajnimin si m\u00ebsuese e anglishtes. Si\u00e7 ndodhi, Siarhei Tsikhanouski zot\u00ebronte nj\u00eb klub nate n\u00eb Mazyr – nj\u00eb prej seris\u00eb s\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarrjeve, e cila p\u00ebrfshinte gjithashtu organizimin e koncerteve dhe prodhimin e videove muzikore. Ai dhe Sviatlana u takuan n\u00eb klub, n\u00eb vitin 2003. Ata u martuan nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb, dhe s\u00eb shpejti pat\u00ebn dy f\u00ebmij\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kur djali i tyre, Korney, lindi i shurdh\u00ebr, gj\u00ebrat ndryshuan. “Un\u00eb i lash\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb ambiciet e mia<\/em>,” tha Tsikhanouskaya. Familja u zhvendos n\u00eb Minsk kur Korney ishte dy vje\u00e7, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t’i jepej nj\u00eb implant koklear. Megjithat\u00eb, deri at\u00ebher\u00eb, ai ishte prapa bashk\u00ebmoshatar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb t\u00eb folur dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuar. Tsikhanouskaya kaloi tet\u00eb vitet e ardhshme duke e m\u00ebsuar at\u00eb, shpesh duke punuar dhjet\u00eb or\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00eb. “Ai kishte humbur nj\u00eb dritare kritike, kur f\u00ebmij\u00ebt m\u00ebsojn\u00eb se si t\u00eb flasin, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb p\u00ebrparimi ishte shum\u00eb i ngadalt\u00eb<\/em>,” tha ajo. Ajo kujtoi nj\u00eb ekzistenc\u00eb q\u00eb ishte “gjysm\u00eb e izoluar<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

Deri n\u00eb vitin 2020, Korney kishte arritur dhe ishte regjistruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkoll\u00eb t\u00eb rregullt. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb vite, Tsikhanouskaya kishte nj\u00eb mas\u00eb lirie. M\u00eb pas, koronavirusi<\/a> p\u00ebrfshiu Bjellorusin\u00eb. Megjith\u00ebse qeveria k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguli q\u00eb numri i rasteve ishte i ul\u00ebt, virusi po shkat\u00ebrronte vendin. Vladimir Martov, nj\u00eb anesteziolog n\u00eb Vitebsk, m\u00eb tha se pacient\u00ebt me Covid-19 p\u00ebrmbyt\u00ebn spitalet e qytetit, duke mbingarkuar stokun e shtret\u00ebrve dhe oksigjenit.<\/p>\n

Kur Martov k\u00ebrkoi ndihm\u00eb nga Ministria e Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb, ai u qortua. \u201cSi nga politika, koronavirusi nuk ekzistonte<\/em>,\u201d m\u00eb tha ai. \u201cSlogani i tyre ishte \u2018Vet\u00ebm prit, dhe do t\u00eb largohet\u2019.<\/em>\u201d Marsin e kaluar, Martov dha nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me situat\u00ebn p\u00ebr Tut.by, gazet\u00ebn m\u00eb agresive online t\u00eb vendit. Ai u pushua menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas k\u00ebsaj dhe, kur koleg\u00ebt e tij protestuan, u than\u00eb se nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej asgj\u00eb. “Ishte n\u00eb duart e Presidentit<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Martov. Disa jav\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, Tut.by u mbyll dhe kryeredaktori i tij u arrestua.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb daljet publike, Lukashenko p\u00ebrqeshi qytetar\u00ebt e tij, se kishin frik\u00eb nga Covid-19, duke sugjeruar se nj\u00eb kushtetut\u00eb e fort\u00eb sllave mund ta kap\u00ebrcej\u00eb leht\u00ebsisht virusin. \u201cJu jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb lani duart me vodka, por ndoshta edhe t\u00eb pini dyzet deri n\u00eb pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb gram\u00eb alkool t\u00eb past\u00ebr n\u00eb dit\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb helmuar virusin<\/em>\u201d, tha ai n\u00eb nj\u00eb takim televiziv. \u201c\u00cbsht\u00eb bukur t\u00eb shikosh n\u00eb TV \u2013 njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb traktor\u00ebt e tyre, askush nuk flet p\u00ebr virusin. Atje! Traktori do t’i sh\u00ebroj\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb!<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Garancit\u00eb e qeveris\u00eb nuk e leht\u00ebsuan frik\u00ebn e Tsikhanouskaya. Ndon\u00ebse shkollat \u200b\u200bq\u00ebndruan t\u00eb hapura, ajo i t\u00ebrhoqi f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e saj; megjith\u00ebse Lukashenko nuk mbante mask\u00eb, ajo dhe familja e saj e mbajt\u00ebn. \u201cNe ishim t\u00eb keqinformuar,<\/em>\u201d tha ajo. N\u00eb shkurt, vet\u00eb Lukashenko dukej se ishte infektuar me virusin. Gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalimi p\u00ebrpara Kongresit Popullor t\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb, ai u kollit, nd\u00ebrsa kamerat e televizionit shtet\u00ebror u larguan p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebzhguar audienc\u00ebn. “Ky infeksion m\u00eb ka ardhur p\u00ebrs\u00ebri<\/em>,” tha ai, midis kollitjeve.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb bjellorus\u00eb m\u00eb than\u00eb se epidemia i b\u00ebri t\u00eb kuptonin se Lukashenko dhe ministrat e tij i p\u00ebrbuznin njer\u00ebzit e zakonsh\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb m\u00ebsues anglez n\u00eb Minsk, i cili k\u00ebrkoi t\u00eb identifikohej vet\u00ebm si Dmitry, tha se virusi vrau aq shum\u00eb nga bashk\u00ebmoshatar\u00ebt e tij, saq\u00eb ai hartoi nekrologjin\u00eb e tij. “Lukashenko filloi t\u00eb posht\u00ebroj\u00eb njer\u00ebzit, t\u00eb qeshte me mjek\u00ebt, t\u00eb qesh\u00eb me t\u00eb vdekurit<\/em>,” tha ai. “P\u00ebr mendimin tim, at\u00ebher\u00eb filloi gjith\u00e7ka<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

N<\/span>d\u00ebrsa pandemia p\u00ebrhapej, Siarhei Tsikhanouski po b\u00ebnte em\u00ebr si nj\u00eb gazetar i pavarur videosh, me nj\u00eb shfaqje t\u00eb quajtur “Vendi p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn<\/em>” – nj\u00eb referenc\u00eb tall\u00ebse p\u00ebr nj\u00eb nga th\u00ebniet e preferuara t\u00eb Lukashenkos. Tsikhanouski ishte karizmatik dhe po b\u00ebnte at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb asnj\u00eb zyrtar i regjimit: t\u00eb udh\u00ebtonte n\u00eb vend dhe t\u00eb fliste me njer\u00ebzit p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn e tyre. N\u00eb qytetin Hlybokaye, ai intervistoi nj\u00eb grua q\u00eb e identifikoi veten si Lyudmila. Ajo mbante nj\u00eb mask\u00eb mjek\u00ebsore, e cila njoftoi pozicionin e saj p\u00ebr epidemin\u00eb e Covid-19 dhe maskoi fytyr\u00ebn e saj.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa Tsikhanouski mbante mikrofonin, Lyudmila mbajti nj\u00eb tirade dhjet\u00eb minut\u00ebshe; ajo u ankua p\u00ebr rrug\u00ebt me gropa, kujdesin sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor n\u00ebn standard, mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e pakta, \u00e7mimet e larta t\u00eb ushqimeve, munges\u00ebn e nj\u00eb reagimi koherent ndaj virusit. Mezi ndaloi p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb frym\u00eb, ajo foli drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me Lukashenkon dhe rrethin e tij t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm. \u201cJu nuk jeni zot\u00ebr, ju jeni sh\u00ebrb\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb popullit<\/em>\u201d, tha ajo. M\u00eb pas ajo iu drejtua t\u00eb pranishm\u00ebve. \u201cT\u00eb gjith\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebt jetojn\u00eb si mbret\u00ebr. Ata p\u00ebrparojn\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa ju jetoni n\u00eb varf\u00ebri.<\/em>\u201d Ajo vazhdoi: \u201cNjer\u00ebz, ngrihuni! … N\u00ebse nuk b\u00ebjm\u00eb asgj\u00eb, ju t\u00eb gjith\u00eb thjesht do t\u00eb vdisni.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Momente si ky i ngaz\u00eblluan shikuesit e Tsikhanouskit. Normalisht, qeveria nuk do t\u00eb toleronte nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb hapur. Por shfaqja u shp\u00ebrnda nga nj\u00eb aplikacion i koduar i mesazheve, Telegram, i cili ishte pothuajse i pamundur t\u00eb bllokohej, pa mbyllur plot\u00ebsisht sh\u00ebrbimin e telefonit celular dhe t\u00eb internetit. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendin, Telegram priti nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim aktiviteti: kanale lajmesh, disa t\u00eb financuara nga jasht\u00eb; reporter\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur lokal\u00eb; qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb diskutojn\u00eb drejtimin e vendit.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj bjellorus\u00eb ishin gjithashtu t\u00eb energjizuar nga udh\u00ebtimet n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb; \u00e7do vit, Bashkimi Evropian jepte rreth shtat\u00ebqind mij\u00eb viza p\u00ebr bjellorus\u00ebt. Midis tyre ishte Oksana Zaretskaya. N\u00eb vitin 2007, ajo ishte nj\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00eb e re n\u00eb Minsk kur burri i saj u transferua n\u00eb nj\u00eb pun\u00eb n\u00eb zyr\u00ebn e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara n\u00eb Gjenev\u00eb. Zaretskaya ishte magjepsur nga sistemi zviceran i qeverisjes vendore, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin qytetar\u00ebt e zakonsh\u00ebm ndikuan n\u00eb vendimet qytetare, madje edhe n\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb tilla, si t\u00eb blinin nj\u00eb lloj t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb avioni luftarak p\u00ebr Forc\u00ebn Ajrore. \u201cKam marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do gj\u00eb, n\u00eb \u00e7do aktivitet<\/em>,\u201d tha ajo. \u201cU habita shum\u00eb kur pash\u00eb k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz t\u00eb angazhoheshin n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike<\/em>.\u201d Ajo mori sh\u00ebnime shteruese. “Doja t\u00eb krijoja t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn histori n\u00eb Bjellorusi<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitin 2018, familja e Zaretskaya u kthye n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe ajo filloi t\u00eb mbante bisedime mbi demokracin\u00eb zvicerane dhe mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e saj lokale. Ajo formoi nj\u00eb rrjet miqsh me mendje t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, shpesh duke komunikuar n\u00eb Telegram. Diskutimet e tyre leht\u00ebsuan at\u00eb q\u00eb Zaretskaya e p\u00ebrshkroi si “emigrim i brendsh\u00ebm<\/em>” – duke l\u00ebn\u00eb Bjellorusin\u00eb n\u00eb mendjet e tyre. \u201cJu krijoni nj\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb vend, q\u00eb nuk preket nga qeveria<\/em>,\u201d tha ajo. “Ju po p\u00ebrpiqeni t\u00eb shp\u00ebtoni shpirtin tuaj.<\/em>”<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga vendet ku kjo ishte e mundur ishte OK16, nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr arti n\u00eb Minsk. Ai u mb\u00ebshtet nga Viktar Babaryka, kryetari i Belgazprombank, nj\u00eb prej institucioneve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha financiare t\u00eb vendit. Babaryka ishte i njohur p\u00ebr udh\u00ebheqjen e nj\u00eb ringjalljeje t\u00eb artit bjellorus; ai kishte ndihmuar n\u00eb sigurimin e veprave t\u00eb Marc Chagall dhe Chaim Soutine, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt t\u00eb dy kishin lindur n\u00eb qytete, q\u00eb tani jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Bjellorusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Babaryka, si t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt q\u00eb u mblodh\u00ebn n\u00eb OK16, zbuluan se shk\u00ebmbimi i ideve rreth artit \u00e7oi n\u00eb pyetje m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2020, ai deklaroi se do t\u00eb sfidonte Lukashenkon p\u00ebr Presidenc\u00ebn. Si menaxhere t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, ai zgjodhi Maria Kalesnikava, nj\u00eb grua intensive dhe karizmatike, q\u00eb ishte drejtoresha artistike e OK16.<\/p>\n

Kalesnikava, e st\u00ebrvitur si flautiste, kishte punuar si muzikante p\u00ebr dymb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet n\u00eb Gjermani. Kur ajo kthehej p\u00ebr t\u00eb vizituar, ajo i tregonte babait t\u00eb saj, Aleksandrit, se njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb g\u00ebzonin liri, q\u00eb nuk ekzistonin n\u00eb Bjellorusi. “T\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, liria – nuk i kuptova plot\u00ebsisht dhe nuk luftova p\u00ebr to<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Aleksandri. “Nj\u00eb nga gj\u00ebrat, q\u00eb kam ardhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar k\u00ebt\u00eb vit \u00ebsht\u00eb se f\u00ebmij\u00ebt ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb zgjuar.<\/em>”<\/p>\n

Babaryka ishte nj\u00eb figur\u00eb e paprekshme, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Lukashenko e hodhi posht\u00eb si nj\u00eb “borgjez t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar<\/em>“. Por ai ishte nj\u00eb an\u00ebtar i pasur i institucionit dhe kandidatura e tij u dha ndjek\u00ebsve shpres\u00eb se gj\u00ebrat do t\u00eb ndryshonin. Qindra mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz dol\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta mb\u00ebshtetur. Kudo q\u00eb shkoi, ai u tha audienc\u00ebs: “Bjellorusia \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjuar<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb tjer\u00eb u hodh\u00ebn n\u00eb gar\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nj\u00eb ish-diplomat t\u00eb quajtur Valery Tsepkalo. N\u00eb maj 2020, Siarhei Tsikhanouski shpalli kandidatur\u00ebn e tij. N\u00eb videot n\u00eb YouTube dhe Telegram, Tsikhanouski kishte num\u00ebruar krimet dhe d\u00ebshtimet e administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Lukashenkos, duke u k\u00ebrkuar shikuesve t\u00eb tij, q\u00eb t\u00eb “ndalonin kacabu!” Qeveria, e cila ishte kryesisht n\u00eb mosh\u00eb t\u00eb mesme ose m\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, kishte qen\u00eb e ngadalt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb regjistruar at\u00eb q\u00eb po ndodhte n\u00eb internet. Por, nd\u00ebrsa popullariteti i Tsikhanouski u rrit, regjimi filloi ta ngacmonte at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 6 maj, ai u arrestua gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs n\u00eb qytetin e Mogilev. Akuza e gjoja ishte pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb nj\u00eb demonstrat\u00eb kund\u00ebr Rusis\u00eb, gjasht\u00eb muaj m\u00eb par\u00eb. Por koha e arrestimit sugjeroi nj\u00eb arsye tjet\u00ebr: erdhi vet\u00ebm n\u00ebnt\u00eb dit\u00eb para afatit p\u00ebr t\u00eb paraqitur dokumentet e kualifikimit. Mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e Tsikhanouski, duke shpresuar p\u00ebr ta mbajtur fushat\u00ebn e q\u00ebndrueshme, publikuan nj\u00eb video t\u00eb regjistruar paraprakisht, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ai pohoi kandidatur\u00ebn e tij. \u201cP\u00ebr nj\u00ebzet e gjasht\u00eb vjet, diktatori ka drejtuar shtetin dhe e ka drejtuar at\u00eb me keqmenaxhim dhe neglizhenc\u00eb kriminale<\/em>\u201d, tha ai. Por, me Siarhein n\u00eb burg, dikush duhej t\u00eb dor\u00ebzonte dokumentet p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Detyra i ra Sviatlan\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 14 maj, ajo vizitoi Komisionin Qendror t\u00eb Zgjedhjeve p\u00ebr t’u regjistruar n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb tij, por zyrtar\u00ebt refuzuan t\u00eb pranonin n\u00ebnshkrimin e saj. Tsikhanouskaya shkoi n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi e tronditur. “Mendova se kishte mbaruar<\/em>,” tha ajo. At\u00eb nat\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb, ajo pati nj\u00eb ide: po sikur t\u00eb paraqitej p\u00ebr t\u00eb kandiduar vet\u00eb p\u00ebr Presidente? Tsikhanouskaya paraqiti aplikimin e saj disa or\u00eb p\u00ebrpara afatit. Kur ishte caktuar vendimi i komisionit, pes\u00eb dit\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, ajo u kthye te zyrat, duke mbajtur nj\u00eb fjalim p\u00ebr t\u00eb lexuar, n\u00ebse kandidatura e saj refuzohej.<\/p>\n

Kryetarja e komisionit dukej e habitur nga prania e saj. Ajo pyeti n\u00ebse Tsikhanouskaya me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb kishte nd\u00ebrmend t\u00eb kandidonte p\u00ebr Presidente, apo n\u00ebse do t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente thjesht si nj\u00eb “partner sparring” (kandidat rezerv\u00eb) p\u00ebr burrin e saj. Tsikhanouskaya u p\u00ebrgjigj: “Un\u00eb e kam \u00ebnd\u00ebrruar k\u00ebt\u00eb gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebs sime<\/em>“.<\/p>\n

N<\/span>\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn dit\u00eb, Siarhei u lirua nga burgu. Sviatlana m\u00eb tha se, kur mb\u00ebrriti n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, u trondit kur zbuloi se gruaja e tij kishte vendosur t\u00eb kandidonte p\u00ebr Presidente. Edhe pse ajo u rendit si kandidate, ajo u zhduk menj\u00ebher\u00eb nga publiku. Siarhei filloi nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme; n\u00eb shteg, ai pozoi me nj\u00eb prerje n\u00eb madh\u00ebsi reale t\u00eb gruas s\u00eb tij. Sviatlana m\u00eb tha se burri i saj nuk mendonte v\u00ebrtet se Lukashenko mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebzohej. Ai po drejtonte nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb proteste, me shpres\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuar bashk\u00ebqytetar\u00ebt e tij. “Ai u tregoi njer\u00ebzve se si t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb guximsh\u00ebm<\/em>,” tha ajo.<\/p>\n

Sviatlana nuk e konsideroi veten kandidate kryesore. “Ishte fushata e Siarheit<\/em>,” tha ajo. “T\u00eb gjith\u00eb e kuptuan k\u00ebt\u00eb<\/em>.” Megjithat\u00eb, ka t\u00eb dh\u00ebna se Siarhei ishte irrituar nga vendi i saj n\u00eb bilet\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb video-regjistrim, ai shihet duke folur me Sviatlana-n n\u00eb telefon teksa voziste me nj\u00eb mik. Ajo po lexonte nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb koordinator\u00ebve lokal\u00eb t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs. “A e keni gabuar p\u00ebrs\u00ebri?<\/em>” tha ai. \u201cLexoni, ju lutem. Njer\u00ebzit jan\u00eb duke pritur!<\/em>\u201d Ai n\u00ebnshkroi: “Ok, shihemi zonja kandidate presidenciale<\/em>“. P\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb mbaronte, Sviatlana e kishte mbyllur telefonin. Ai u kthye nga shoku i tij dhe i tha: “Duhet ta duroj tani.<\/em>”<\/p>\n

Sipas rregullave t\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb, kushdo q\u00eb kandidon p\u00ebr President duhet t\u00eb mbledh\u00eb nj\u00ebqind mij\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrime p\u00ebr t’u kualifikuar. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e kaluara, kjo ishte nj\u00eb faz\u00eb e d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar e fushat\u00ebs. K\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb, bjellorus\u00ebt u rreshtuan me mij\u00ebra p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb firmat e tyre; S\u00eb bashku, Tsikhanouskaya, Babaryka dhe Tsepkalo mblodh\u00ebn m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysm\u00eb milioni. Secili kandidat p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte nj\u00eb zon\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb elektorale: Babaryka, profesionist\u00eb dhe t\u00eb rinj; Tsepkalo, punonj\u00ebs t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb; dhe Tsikhanouskaya, njer\u00ebz nga qytetet dhe fshatrat.<\/p>\n

Me entuziazmin popullor n\u00eb rritje, Lukashenko u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb merrte kontrollin e zgjedhjeve. M\u00eb 29 maj, Tsikhanouski u arrestua p\u00ebrs\u00ebri, i akuzuar k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb p\u00ebr sulm ndaj nj\u00eb oficeri policie; Videot tregojn\u00eb se konfrontimi \u00ebsht\u00eb inskenuar kur ai \u00ebsht\u00eb sulmuar nga nj\u00eb grua e paidentifikuar. Babaryka u arrestua gjithashtu, me akuz\u00ebn se kishte p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar nga banka e tij. Tsepkalo iu mohua nj\u00eb vend n\u00eb flet\u00ebvotim; ai m\u00eb von\u00eb u largua nga vendi. Papritur, Lukashenko ishte i vetmi kandidat kryesor i mbetur.<\/p>\n

An\u00ebtar\u00ebt e fushatave t\u00eb zhdukura vendos\u00ebn t\u00eb hartonin Sviatlana, emri i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs ishte ende n\u00eb flet\u00ebvotim, p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb kombinuar. Ata e gjet\u00ebn at\u00eb ngurruese, t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijshme se ndihm\u00ebsit e t\u00eb shoqit nuk e respektonin. “Ajo n\u00eb fakt po qante – ishte shum\u00eb emocionuese<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha nj\u00eb ish-ndihm\u00ebs. Por ajo ra dakord. \u201cPo e b\u00ebj p\u00ebr burrin tim dhe njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn at\u00eb<\/em>\u201d, tha ajo.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00ebm tre jav\u00eb kishin mbetur deri n\u00eb zgjedhje dhe Tsikhanouskaya nuk kishte asnj\u00eb trajnim n\u00eb politik\u00eb. “Ajo nuk dinte asgj\u00eb – fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr fjal\u00eb asgj\u00eb<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha ndihm\u00ebsja e saj Anna Krasulina. \u201cNe i tham\u00eb asaj, \u2018Do t\u00eb t\u00eb duhet nj\u00eb platform\u00eb politike\u2019 dhe ajo tha, \u2018\u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb platform\u00eb politike?\u2019 Ne i tham\u00eb se do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb takonte gazetar\u00ebt. Ajo pyeti: \u201cPse duhet t\u00eb takoj gazetar\u00eb?<\/em>\u201d \u201cMegjithat\u00eb, ajo ishte e rrjedhshme dhe e fort\u00eb, duke e portretizuar veten si nj\u00eb qytetare e zakonshme e mbytur nga nj\u00eb autokrat q\u00eb nuk reagon. “Jam lodhur duke duruar, jam lodhur duke heshtur, jam lodhur duke jetuar me frik\u00eb!<\/em>” i tha ajo nj\u00eb turme n\u00eb Minsk. “Po ti?<\/em>” Turma u kthye mbrapsht.<\/p>\n

Nuk kishte koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb planifikuar. “Ne b\u00ebm\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka n\u00eb gjunj\u00eb<\/em>,” tha Tsikhanouskaya. “Un\u00eb kam qen\u00eb i humbur, me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb<\/em>.” Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e saj ende d\u00ebshironte q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. \u201cM\u00eb mir\u00eb do t\u00eb isha me f\u00ebmij\u00ebt dhe burrin tim, duke skuqur koteleta<\/em>,\u201d u tha ajo mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve. Ekipi vendosi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb platform\u00eb minimale. Tsikhanouskaya tha se karriera e saj n\u00eb politik\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb zgjaste m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa u desh p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar lirimin e t\u00eb burgosurve politik\u00eb, zgjedhjet e reja dhe shkrimin e nj\u00eb kushtetute t\u00eb re. “Kjo i qet\u00ebsoi shum\u00eb nga rival\u00ebt e saj t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ish-ndihm\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Maria Kalesnikava, flautistja q\u00eb kishte drejtuar fushat\u00ebn e Babaryka, n\u00ebnshkroi p\u00ebr t’u bashkuar me t\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu b\u00ebri edhe gruaja e Tsepkalo, Veronika. N\u00eb paraqitjen e tyre t\u00eb par\u00eb publike, nj\u00eb fotograf i kapi t\u00eb tria, secila duke b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb gjest t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb: Kalesnikava duke formuar nj\u00eb zem\u00ebr me gishtat e saj, Tsepkalo duke ndezur nj\u00eb V dhe Tsikhanouskaya duke mbajtur nj\u00eb grusht. Fotoja u b\u00eb virale dhe ata filluan ta p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisin poz\u00ebn kudo q\u00eb shkonin. Turmat u rrit\u00ebn shpejt. Gleb German, ndihm\u00ebsi i shtypit, kujtoi: \u201cIshte si t\u00eb kal\u00ebroje nj\u00eb val\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb kishin vet\u00ebm k\u00ebt\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb, se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti q\u00eb kemi pritur, p\u00ebr nj\u00ebzet e gjasht\u00eb vjet<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n

V\u00ebzhguesit skeptik\u00eb sugjeruan se Tsikhanouskaya ishte thjesht p\u00ebrfituese e rrethanave t\u00eb pazakonta. “Njer\u00ebzit do t\u00eb kishin mb\u00ebshtetur k\u00ebdo q\u00eb t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb vendin e saj<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Igor Ilyash, nj\u00eb gazetar n\u00eb Minsk. “Ajo ishte nj\u00eb simbol<\/em>.” Por, p\u00ebr shum\u00eb bjellorus\u00eb, mosp\u00eblqimi i saj p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e b\u00ebri at\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet m\u00eb efektiv p\u00ebr mallin dhe zem\u00ebrimin. Tsikhanouskaya sugjeroi se modeli i duhur politik p\u00ebr momentin nuk ishte nj\u00eb intelektual si V\u00e1clav Havel, dramaturgu \u00e7ek i shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb President, por nj\u00eb viktim\u00eb e af\u00ebrt e rrethanave historike, si Princesha Diana<\/a>. \u201cAjo u lidh me njer\u00ebz t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm<\/em>,\u201d tha ajo.<\/p>\n

Vendi dhe kandidati po rind\u00ebrtonin veten n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, sugjeroi Zaretskaya. \u201cKur cil\u00ebsit\u00eb e tua nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb nevojshme, ato flen\u00eb brenda teje<\/em>\u201d, m\u00eb tha ajo. \u201cSviatlana dhe shum\u00eb bjellorus\u00eb jan\u00eb tani pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pozicion, kur koha dhe kushtet k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb cil\u00ebsit\u00eb e ve\u00e7anta q\u00eb ne kemi fshehur.<\/em>\u201d Roli i Tsikhanouskaya n\u00eb fushat\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e regjimit e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuan se do ta vrisnin dhe do t’i l\u00ebndonin f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e saj. E tmerruar, ajo i d\u00ebrgoi f\u00ebmij\u00ebt n\u00eb Lituani, ku i takoi n\u00ebna e saj. Policia arrestoi vullnetar\u00eb p\u00ebr fushat\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebrfundimisht menaxheren e saj, Maryia Maroz. “Shum\u00eb her\u00eb, ajo na tha: “Un\u00eb po e l\u00eb, nuk mund ta b\u00ebj k\u00ebt\u00eb<\/em>,” kujton nj\u00eb nga ndihm\u00ebsit e saj, Anton Radnyankou.<\/p>\n

Me afrimin e zgjedhjeve, Tsikhanouskaya dhe ndihm\u00ebsit e saj ndien se nj\u00eb komb ku angazhimi qytetar ishte n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive i jasht\u00ebligjsh\u00ebm, po kthehej papritur politik. Andrei Vaitovich, nj\u00eb reporter q\u00eb kishte punuar jasht\u00eb vendit p\u00ebr mediat franceze, u kthye n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe u godit nga ajo q\u00eb kishte ndodhur. \u201cE vetmja gj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn dikush po fliste ishin zgjedhjet<\/em>,\u201d m\u00eb tha ai. “Ajo ishte kur e kuptova se vendi po ndryshonte<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Pasi Lukashenko shpalli fitoren, demonstratat u p\u00ebrhap\u00ebn nga Minsk n\u00eb qytete dhe qyteza anemban\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb. Qeveria mbylli internetin dhe vendosi policin\u00eb e rebelimit, shum\u00eb prej tyre mbanin helmeta t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb rrumbullak\u00ebta q\u00eb fshihnin fytyrat e tyre; protestuesit i quajt\u00ebn ata “kozmonaut\u00eb”. Luponosov, ish-hetuesi, m\u00eb tha se Ministria e Brendshme urdh\u00ebroi policin\u00eb t\u00eb “rrah\u00eb dhe sakatoj\u00eb<\/em>” protestuesit. (N\u00eb dymb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb muajt e ardhsh\u00ebm, ata do t\u00eb b\u00ebnin deri n\u00eb tridhjet\u00eb e pes\u00eb mij\u00eb arrestime, duke transportuar t\u00eb arrestuarit me furgona t\u00eb zinj.)<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya u k\u00ebrkoi autoriteteve t\u00eb tregonin p\u00ebrmbajtje, por ajo ndihej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb agjituan n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb saj. Me protestat q\u00eb turbullonin, reporter\u00ebt e shtyn\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebr planet e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar dhun\u00ebn. “Situata ka filluar t\u00eb dal\u00eb jasht\u00eb kontrollit<\/em>,” shkroi ajo. \u201cPamja ime \u2013 do t’i forconte protestat apo p\u00ebrkundrazi do t’i qet\u00ebsonte ato? Une nuk e di. Nuk e di se \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj m\u00eb pas<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n

K<\/span>ur Tsikhanouskaya mb\u00ebrriti n\u00eb Lituani, ajo u prit nga rojet kufitare dhe u d\u00ebrgua n\u00eb nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpi t\u00eb sigurt n\u00eb Vilnius. Ajo nuk kishte asgj\u00eb me vete p\u00ebrve\u00e7 rrobave dhe nj\u00eb \u00e7ant\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbante aparatin rezerv\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjimit t\u00eb djalit t\u00eb saj. Ajo ndjeu se i kishte braktisur protestuesit dhe supozoi se ata do t’i shmangeshin asaj. “Njer\u00ebzit besuan te un\u00eb<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha ajo. \u201cNdihesha sikur i kisha tradhtuar<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n

Por disa nga ndihm\u00ebsit e saj e ndoq\u00ebn p\u00ebrtej kufirit dhe, kur Tsikhanouskaya pa q\u00eb demonstratat po vazhdonin, ajo u mblodh. Brenda pak dit\u00ebsh ajo e kishte shpallur veten lidere t\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb demokratike. \u201cJam e gatshme t\u00eb marr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi dhe t\u00eb veproj si lider komb\u00ebtar gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe q\u00eb vendi t\u00eb qet\u00ebsohet dhe t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm normal<\/em>\u201d, tha ajo n\u00eb nj\u00eb video-mesazh.<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya nuk kishte para, nuk kishte qeveri dhe pothuajse asnj\u00eb staf, por simpatizant\u00ebt filluan t\u00eb shfaqen p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar. Nj\u00ebri prej tyre ishte Valery Kavaleuski, nj\u00eb ish-diplomat bjellorus, i cili jetonte n\u00eb Virxhinia veriore dhe punonte p\u00ebr Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore. Ai m\u00eb tha se, kur Tsikhanouskaya mb\u00ebrriti n\u00eb Vilnius, vendosi t\u00eb linte pun\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb bashkohej me t\u00eb, duke jetuar me kursimet e tij derisa t\u00eb mblidheshin parat\u00eb p\u00ebr rrogat.<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya filloi turneun n\u00eb kryeqytetet e Evrop\u00ebs, duke k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit t\u00eb ndalonin njohjen e Lukashenkos. N\u00eb Berlin, duke takuar kancelaren Angela Merkel, ajo veshi nj\u00eb kostum marine, t\u00eb huazuar n\u00eb minut\u00ebn e fundit nga nj\u00eb stiliste bjelloruse n\u00eb Vilnius. “Ajo nuk kishte asnj\u00eb veshje<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha stilistja, Tatiana Chaevskaya. “Duhet t’i thonim asaj se nj\u00eb kryetare shteti nuk mund t\u00eb vishte t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn veshje \u00e7do dit\u00eb<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Jav\u00ebt e saj t\u00eb para n\u00eb m\u00ebrgim ishin nj\u00eb triumf i paraqitjes mbi realitetin. “Ishte tym dhe pasqyra<\/em>,” tha Kavaleuski. Ajo krijoi nj\u00eb rrym\u00eb imazhesh – n\u00eb Berlin me Merkelin, n\u00eb Bruksel me kryesimin e BE-s\u00eb. zyrtar\u00eb, n\u00eb Vilnius me presidentin francez, Emmanuel Macron \u2013 kjo e b\u00ebri at\u00eb t\u00eb dukej si nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse evropiane. M\u00eb 8 shtator 2020, ajo paralajm\u00ebroi K\u00ebshillin e Evrop\u00ebs se “vendet ose pal\u00ebt q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje me zotin Lukashenko e b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb me rrezikun e tyre<\/em>“. Dhjet\u00eb dit\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, Parlamenti Evropian votoi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mohuar njohjen e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Lukashenkos pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb n\u00ebntor, duke e shpallur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive Tsikhanouskaya Presidenten e zgjedhur ligj\u00ebrisht t\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

M<\/span>enj\u00ebher\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve, n\u00eb nj\u00eb konglomerat nd\u00ebrtimi n\u00eb qytetin Hrodna, nj\u00eb pun\u00ebtor i thirri nj\u00eb mbledhjeje prej disa qindra koleg\u00ebsh: \u201cMos ki turp, ngri dor\u00ebn \u2013 kush votoi p\u00ebr Alexander Lukashenkon? Askush nuk l\u00ebndohet.<\/em>\u201d Nj\u00eb \u00e7ift drejtuesish ngrit\u00ebn duart lart. Pastaj pun\u00ebtori pyeti: “Kush votoi p\u00ebr Tsikhanouskaya?<\/em>” Nj\u00eb det me duar u ngjit, nd\u00ebrsa turma gj\u00ebmonte.<\/p>\n

Maryia Maroz besonte se n\u00eb dit\u00ebt pas zgjedhjeve, regjimi i Lukashenkos ishte af\u00ebr kolapsit. “Sistemi po dridhej<\/em>,” tha ajo. Kur ishte n\u00eb burg, m\u00eb tha, gardian\u00ebt i soll\u00ebn kafe dhe e lan\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjonte radio. “Mendoj se ishim af\u00ebr<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Edhe pasi demonstratat u qet\u00ebsuan, banor\u00ebt e distriktit qendror t\u00eb Minskut vazhduan t\u00eb kujdeseshin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb oborr t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, q\u00eb e kishin zbukuruar me vepra arti dhe shirita t\u00eb bardh\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kuq. Vendasit e quajt\u00ebn Sheshi i Ndryshimit. Banor\u00ebt u mblodh\u00ebn, duke k\u00ebnduar himne proteste dhe duke diskutuar se si t’i b\u00ebnin komunitetet e tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb mira. \u201cPara protestave, njer\u00ebzit nuk kishin qen\u00eb kurr\u00eb aktiv\u00eb n\u00eb lagjet e tyre. Njer\u00ebzit as q\u00eb flisnin me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin<\/em>\u201d, m\u00eb tha nj\u00eb banore e quajtur Olga Kucherenko. \u201cP\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, njer\u00ebzit po flisnin se si t\u00eb rregullonin gj\u00ebrat n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tyre, si p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb shesh lojrash. Dhe qeveria po e kund\u00ebrshtonte.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nat\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit, disa agjent\u00eb t\u00eb regjimit u shfaq\u00ebn n\u00eb sheshin e Ndryshimeve, t\u00eb veshur me rroba civile dhe maska, dhe filluan t\u00eb prisnin shiritat. Banor\u00ebt u k\u00ebrkuan atyre t\u00eb ndalonin. Kush\u00ebriri i Kucherenkos, nj\u00eb veteran i ushtris\u00eb dhe artist aspirues i quajtur Raman Bandarenka, zbriti nga banesa e tij p\u00ebr t’u bashkuar me fqinj\u00ebt e tij. Pasoi nj\u00eb konfrontim dhe personat e maskuar e t\u00ebrhoq\u00ebn at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb furgon dhe u larguan me shpejt\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Pes\u00eb or\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, n\u00ebna e Bandarenk\u00ebs, Elena, d\u00ebgjoi zilen e saj n\u00eb der\u00eb. Ishte nj\u00eb grup zyrtar\u00ebsh q\u00eb than\u00eb se djali i saj ishte d\u00ebrguar n\u00eb nj\u00eb spital aty pran\u00eb. Kur ajo mb\u00ebrriti, ai ishte n\u00eb koma, i vdekur nga truri. Nj\u00eb mjek i tha asaj se Raman ishte rrahur dhe se pjesa e pasme e kok\u00ebs s\u00eb tij ishte shtypur. “Doktori na tha se ishte nj\u00eb pun\u00eb profesionale<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Kucherenko.<\/p>\n

Bandarenka ishte nj\u00eb nga t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn gjasht\u00eb civil\u00ebt e vrar\u00eb nga forcat e siguris\u00eb; qindra, ndoshta mij\u00ebra, ishin shtruar n\u00eb spital p\u00ebr l\u00ebndime. Mij\u00ebra t\u00eb tjer\u00eb u rrah\u00ebn dhe disa u p\u00ebrdhunuan me shkopinj gome dhe u torturuan gjithashtu. Askush n\u00eb polici nuk u arrestua apo u akuzua.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shtator, nd\u00ebrsa Maria Kalesnikava, partnerja e fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb Tsikhanouski-t, po ecte pran\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb saj, persona t\u00eb maskuar e detyruan t\u00eb hipte n\u00eb nj\u00eb furgon. Ata e \u00e7uan at\u00eb dhe dy zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs n\u00eb kufirin me Ukrain\u00ebn, u dor\u00ebzuan pasaportat e tyre dhe u than\u00eb t\u00eb kalonin. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Kalesnikava grisi pasaport\u00ebn e saj dhe doli nga dritarja e makin\u00ebs. “Un\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb largohem nga vendi<\/em>,” tha ajo. Agjent\u00ebt, t\u00eb tronditur, e t\u00ebrhoq\u00ebn zvarr\u00eb n\u00eb Minsk, ku e fut\u00ebn n\u00eb burg dhe e akuzuan p\u00ebr p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar qeverin\u00eb. Ajo u d\u00ebnua me nj\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet burg. Maxim Znak, avokatit q\u00eb kishte shoq\u00ebruar Tsikhanouskaya n\u00eb komisionin zgjedhor, iu dhan\u00eb dhjet\u00eb vjet d\u00ebnim.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa trazirat vazhduan, fantazma e nd\u00ebrhyrjes ruse u shfaq. Lukashenko dhe Putin fol\u00ebn rregullisht, me Putinin duke l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet se ai do t\u00eb pushtonte n\u00ebse ishte e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur Bjellorusin\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb mos rr\u00ebshqiste nga orbita ruse. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb gushtit, ai ngriti mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e d\u00ebrgimit t\u00eb forcave ruse, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar qeverin\u00eb. \u201cP\u00ebr momentin, nuk ka nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb dhe shpresoj se nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb<\/em>,\u201d tha ai.<\/p>\n

N<\/span>\u00eb koh\u00ebn e vizit\u00ebs sime n\u00eb Minsk, korrikun e kaluar, Lukashenko kishte rivendosur kontrollin. An\u00ebtar\u00ebt e mbetur t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs supozohej se ishin n\u00ebn v\u00ebzhgim. Nj\u00eb nat\u00eb, takova nj\u00eb diplomat per\u00ebndimor, nj\u00eb nga t\u00eb pakt\u00ebt e mbetur n\u00eb vend, n\u00eb nj\u00eb park publik, ku u ul\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb stol dhe biseduam. Pas rreth nj\u00ebzet minutash, diplomati sugjeroi q\u00eb t\u00eb ngriheshim: “Ka nj\u00eb djal\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb parkut q\u00eb na v\u00ebzhgon gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Gazetar\u00ebt e vendit u luftuan edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Nj\u00ebra prej tyre m\u00eb tha gjat\u00eb vizit\u00ebs sime se ajo dilte nga sht\u00ebpia \u00e7do m\u00ebngjes duke mbajtur nj\u00eb “paket\u00eb burgu<\/em>“, nj\u00eb \u00e7ant\u00eb me mjete n\u00eb rast se arrestohej: nj\u00eb fur\u00e7\u00eb dh\u00ebmb\u00ebsh, \u00e7orape, t\u00eb brendshme. Nd\u00ebrsa po organizoja t\u00eb takoja Yahor Martsinovich, redaktorin e Nasha Niva, nj\u00eb prej gazetave kryesore t\u00eb vendit, ai u zhduk n\u00eb paraburgimin e policis\u00eb. Shumica e gazetar\u00ebve me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt fola besonin se ishte vet\u00ebm \u00e7\u00ebshtje kohe para se t\u00eb pranoheshin, por asnj\u00ebri nuk dukej i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb censuronte veten \u2013 ose madje domosdoshm\u00ebrisht ishin t\u00eb bindur se do t’i b\u00ebnte m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt n\u00ebse do ta b\u00ebnin. \u201cSi gazetar n\u00eb Bjellorusi, liria juaj nuk varet m\u00eb nga ajo q\u00eb publikoni. Varet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse duan t\u00eb t\u00eb marrin ty<\/em>\u201d, m\u00eb tha Pavel Sviardlou, redaktori i transmetuesit t\u00eb pavarur Euroradio. “Kjo situat\u00eb na b\u00ebn t\u00eb lir\u00eb<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb objektiv i regjimit ishte nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e quajtur Viasna, e cila prej vitesh ka dokumentuar shkelje t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave civile dhe t\u00eb njeriut. Un\u00eb hipa me n\u00ebnkryetarin, Valentin Stefanovich, nd\u00ebrsa ai shkoi t\u00eb takonte nj\u00eb burr\u00eb, v\u00ebllai i t\u00eb cilit ishte vrar\u00eb n\u00eb paraburgim. Kat\u00ebr aktivist\u00eb t\u00eb Viasna-s ishin tashm\u00eb n\u00eb burg dhe Stefanovich po parashikonte nj\u00eb goditje n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb. “Un\u00eb mendoj se ata synojn\u00eb t\u00eb pastrojn\u00eb vendin nga t\u00eb gjitha mediat e pavarura dhe grupet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile<\/em>,” tha ai.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa ecnim me makin\u00eb, Stefanovich detajoi veprimet e fundit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb – gjasht\u00ebqind t\u00eb burgosur politik\u00eb t\u00eb arrestuar, qindra njer\u00ebz t\u00eb rrahur ose torturuar n\u00eb paraburgim, mij\u00ebra t\u00eb pushuar nga puna. “Mbijetesa \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00ebja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Lukashenkon<\/em>,” tha Stefanovich, “sepse ai nuk mund ta imagjinoj\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tij pa pushtet<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Provat sugjeronin se t\u00eb burgosurit politik\u00eb po keqtrajtoheshin gjer\u00ebsisht. “Gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vit, ata jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb m\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb pendohem p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebra<\/em>,” i shkroi BBC-s\u00eb nga qelia e saj Maria Kalesnikava, menaxherja e fushat\u00ebs. \u201cKam qen\u00eb n\u00eb qeli t\u00eb nxehta dhe m\u00eb pas t\u00eb ftohta, pa aj\u00ebr e drit\u00eb, pa njer\u00ebz. Nj\u00eb vit i t\u00ebr\u00eb pa asgj\u00eb.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Me protestat e shtypura, Lukashenko l\u00ebvizi p\u00ebr t\u00eb shuar \u00e7do gjurm\u00eb mospajtimi; ai madje pastroi kurrikulat shkollore nga librat e Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn dhe nga Svetlana Alexievich<\/a>, autorja fituese e \u00e7mimit Nobel, e cila ishte nj\u00eb nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebset e revolt\u00ebs derisa ajo u largua nga vendi, vitin e kaluar. N\u00eb maj, Lukashenko urdh\u00ebroi nj\u00eb avion luftarak t\u00eb rr\u00ebzonte nj\u00eb aeroplan pasagjer\u00ebsh t\u00eb Ryanair, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb arrestonte nj\u00eb gazetar t\u00eb quajtur Raman Pratasevich dhe t\u00eb dashur\u00ebn e tij. Pratasevich u rrah n\u00eb burg dhe u detyrua t\u00eb rr\u00ebfehej n\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb televizive surreale.<\/p>\n

Lukashenko gjithashtu nisi nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb kund\u00ebr kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve jasht\u00eb vendit. Nj\u00eb taktik\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrdorimi i Interpolit, agjencia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e policis\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbledhur informacione mbi disident\u00ebt q\u00eb jetonin n\u00eb m\u00ebrgim dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb l\u00ebshuar urdh\u00ebr-arreste p\u00ebr akuza t\u00eb sajuara. Qeverit\u00eb evropiane mor\u00ebn t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy persona t\u00eb till\u00eb, por i liruan pasi e kuptuan gabimin. Zyrtar\u00ebt lituanez m\u00eb than\u00eb se ishin t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e Tsikhanouskaya; vendndodhja e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb saj ishte sekrete, dhe as ndihm\u00ebsit e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt nuk kishin qen\u00eb atje. N\u00eb gusht, nj\u00eb aktivist bjellorus q\u00eb ndihmonte disident\u00ebt t\u00eb largoheshin nga vendi u gjet i varur n\u00eb nj\u00eb pem\u00eb n\u00eb Kiev.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb korrik, menj\u00ebher\u00eb pasi u largova nga Bjellorusia, forcat e siguris\u00eb filluan nj\u00eb goditje mbar\u00ebkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, duke mbyllur pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb NGO n\u00eb nj\u00eb dit\u00eb t\u00eb vetme \u2013 duke filluar nga grupet q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut deri te organizatat q\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb personat me aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb kufizuara. Policia arrestoi disa njer\u00ebz q\u00eb kisha intervistuar, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Stefanovich, n\u00ebnkryetarin e Viasna-s. N\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, disident\u00ebt bjellorus\u00eb zakonisht liroheshin pas disa dit\u00ebsh ose jav\u00ebsh, por k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb ishte ndryshe; an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e familjes nuk u lejuan t\u00eb vizitonin t\u00eb paraburgosurit dhe nuk u dhan\u00eb asnj\u00eb informacion n\u00eb lidhje me akuzat kund\u00ebr tyre. Gruaja e Stefanovich i mori f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e saj n\u00eb Gjeorgji. \u201cNe mendojm\u00eb se do t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb e gjat\u00eb<\/em>,\u201d m\u00eb tha ajo.<\/p>\n

K<\/span>ur Bashkimi Evropian ashp\u00ebrsoi sanksionet ekonomike, Lukashenko mbajti nj\u00eb fjalim t\u00eb gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb or\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin ai akuzoi Per\u00ebndimin p\u00ebr komplot p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar qeverin\u00eb e tij. \u201cShikoni presionin e paprecedent\u00eb mbi vendin sot, si duan t\u00eb na japin m\u00ebsim n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb agresive, t\u00eb na v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb, t\u00eb na provokojn\u00eb duke p\u00ebrdorur metodat dhe teknikat m\u00eb t\u00eb pista. I gjith\u00eb ky p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzim, zem\u00ebrim i pafuqish\u00ebm dhe zili lindin nga d\u00ebshtimi i tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar nj\u00eb kryengritje dhe grusht shteti n\u00eb Bjellorusi<\/em>,” tha ai.<\/p>\n

I shk\u00ebputur nga BE-ja, Lukashenko punoi p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar lidhjet e tij me Rusin\u00eb. N\u00eb shtator, ai dhe Putin u takuan p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjasht\u00ebn her\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb viti; Putin njoftoi se do t’i jepte hua Bjellorusis\u00eb gjasht\u00ebqind milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb, premtoi t\u00eb ruante rrjedh\u00ebn e gazit natyror t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe tha se t\u00eb dy vendet kishin r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord t\u00eb p\u00ebrafronin m\u00eb nga af\u00ebr sistemet e tyre tatimore dhe ligjore.<\/p>\n

Kur gazetar\u00ebt e mediave shtet\u00ebrore bjelloruse filluan t\u00eb jepnin dor\u00ebheqjen, gazetar\u00ebt rus\u00eb erdh\u00ebn p\u00ebr t’i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar ata. N\u00eb shtator, t\u00eb dy vendet nd\u00ebrmor\u00ebn nj\u00eb st\u00ebrvitje ushtarake q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte dyqind mij\u00eb trupa; ushtrit\u00eb simuluan nj\u00eb pushtim t\u00eb NATO-s dhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Rusia. Ushtria ruse hapi dy qendra t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta trajnimi n\u00eb Bjellorusi, duke i v\u00ebn\u00eb forcat e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Lukashenkos gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00ebn kontrollin rus. “Lukashenko e di se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb peng<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Latushka, ish-ministri.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb bjellorus\u00eb shqet\u00ebsoheshin se Putini i kishte v\u00ebn\u00eb syt\u00eb te asetet e vlefshme shtet\u00ebrore, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb rafinerit\u00eb e naft\u00ebs dhe fabrikat e p\u00ebrpunimit t\u00eb potasit, t\u00eb cilat oligark\u00ebt rus\u00eb kan\u00eb shprehur interes p\u00ebr t’i bler\u00eb. Sipas nj\u00eb ish-pjes\u00ebtari t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb regjimit t\u00eb Lukashenkos, nj\u00eb ekip i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt zyrtar\u00ebsh rus\u00eb dhe bjellorus\u00eb kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb takohen rregullisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb vendime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e vendit.<\/p>\n

Zyrtar\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb m\u00eb than\u00eb se nj\u00eb bashkim formal i dy vendeve nuk kishte gjasa, qoft\u00eb edhe vet\u00ebm sepse nj\u00eb veprim i till\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndez\u00eb nj\u00eb rebelim popullor. \u201cAi e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb veten shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm ndaj presionit nga Rusia<\/em>\u201d, m\u00eb tha nj\u00eb diplomat i dyt\u00eb per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb Minsk. Duke shtypur mospajtimin, Lukashenko dukej se po imitonte mir\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsin e tij rus, duke shmangur k\u00ebshtu nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje ruse.<\/p>\n

Latushka m\u00eb tha se Putini kishte miratuar n\u00eb heshtje skem\u00ebn p\u00ebr t’i d\u00ebrguar migrant\u00ebt n\u00eb Poloni, Lituani dhe Letoni. (Nj\u00eb z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs i Kremlinit e mohoi k\u00ebt\u00eb, duke th\u00ebn\u00eb: “Presidenti Putin dhe Rusia nuk kan\u00eb asnj\u00eb lidhje me kriz\u00ebn e emigrant\u00ebve<\/em>.”) N\u00eb fund t\u00eb pranver\u00ebs, i pari nga mij\u00ebra irakian\u00eb filluan t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrinin n\u00eb Minsk, t\u00eb joshur nga nj\u00eb premtim se do t\u00eb lejoheshin t\u00eb migrojn\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb vizit\u00ebs sime, e gjeta veten duke pritur nj\u00eb shi n\u00ebn nj\u00eb tend\u00eb me nj\u00eb mesoburr\u00eb t\u00eb veshur me nj\u00eb kostum t\u00eb lir\u00eb. M\u00eb tha se ishte nga Iraku. Kur e pyeta se si do t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb Bjellorusi, ai u trondit – “Duhet t\u00eb iki<\/em>” – dhe u largua me shpejt\u00ebsi n\u00eb shi.<\/p>\n

Zyrtar\u00ebt evropian\u00eb m\u00eb than\u00eb se irakian\u00ebt u \u00e7uan me autobus\u00eb qeveritar\u00eb p\u00ebr n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e Lituanis\u00eb dhe Polonis\u00eb, ku u d\u00ebrguan p\u00ebrtej. Nga fundi i ver\u00ebs, qindra emigrant\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00eb po kalonin kufijt\u00eb. \u201cLukashenko e ka armatosur migrimin<\/em>\u201d, m\u00eb tha Gabrielius Landsbergis, ministri i jasht\u00ebm lituanez. Emigrant\u00ebt ishin t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb paguanin zyrtar\u00ebt lokal\u00eb deri n\u00eb pes\u00eb mij\u00eb dollar\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb kufi, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb dukej se njer\u00ebzit brenda regjimit po p\u00ebrfitonin. N\u00eb v\u00ebzhgimin e Lukashenkos, rreth gjasht\u00eb mij\u00eb emigrant\u00eb kaluan n\u00eb vendet fqinje.<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya, duke ndjekur zhvillimet nga jasht\u00eb Bjellorusis\u00eb, argumentoi se skema ishte thjesht nj\u00eb simptom\u00eb e pam\u00ebshirshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Lukashenkos. “Duke supozuar se ky abuzim i emigrant\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb ndalur disi, a besoni v\u00ebrtet se k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet e regjimit p\u00ebrtej kufijve t\u00eb tij do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb k\u00ebtu?<\/em>” pyeti ajo Parlamentin Evropian. \u201cMos lejoni q\u00eb regjimi t\u00eb manipuloj\u00eb kontraband\u00ebn e emigrant\u00ebve, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebsoj\u00eb katastrof\u00ebn e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut brenda vendit. Si bjellorus\u00ebt ashtu edhe emigrant\u00ebt jan\u00eb tani pengje t\u00eb regjimit.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb n\u00ebntor, n\u00ebn presionin diplomatik, Lukashenko ndaloi s\u00eb inkurajuari hapur emigrant\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb vinin n\u00eb Bjellorusi dhe filloi t\u00eb d\u00ebrgonte disa n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. Por kishte indikacione se ai thjesht po e ndalonte operacionin; mij\u00ebra emigrant\u00eb mbet\u00ebn n\u00eb Bjellorusi. “Ata e kan\u00eb telefonuar at\u00eb<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha diplomati i dyt\u00eb per\u00ebndimor. “Por ata mund ta th\u00ebrrasin at\u00eb sa her\u00eb q\u00eb u p\u00ebrshtatet atyre p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

K<\/span>\u00ebt\u00eb ver\u00eb, Tsikhanouskaya erdhi n\u00eb Battery Park t\u00eb Nju Jorkut dhe iu drejtua disa qindra amerikan\u00ebve bjellorus\u00eb. Statuja e Liris\u00eb q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb sfond; nj\u00eb det me flamuj bardh e kuq t\u00eb 1918 val\u00ebviteshin n\u00eb turm\u00eb. “Gjat\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar, veprimet tuaja kan\u00eb form\u00ebsuar drejtp\u00ebrdrejt ngjarjet, q\u00eb po shpalosen n\u00eb Bjellorusi<\/em>,” tha ajo. “Demonstratat tuaja, bisedat tuaja me gazetar\u00eb dhe politikan\u00eb, ndihma juaj p\u00ebrmes fondeve t\u00eb solidaritetit – edhe nga kaq larg nga sht\u00ebpia, ju jeni duke marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e atdheut ton\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Fjal\u00ebt e saj, megjith\u00ebse mjaft t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, mund t\u00eb ishin th\u00ebn\u00eb nga pothuajse \u00e7do udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs m\u00ebrgimtar n\u00eb shekullin e kaluar. N\u00eb historin\u00eb e m\u00ebrgimit politik, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e detyruar t\u00eb largohen nga vendet e tyre shpesh kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb presin dy gj\u00ebra: ata zakonisht do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt dhe pothuajse gjithmon\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Pasi Polonia u pushtua nga komunist\u00ebt, qeveria polake n\u00eb m\u00ebrgim u takua n\u00eb dhomat e pritjes n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr p\u00ebr pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet, por iu desh nj\u00eb grup punonj\u00ebsish t\u00eb dokeve n\u00eb Gdansk p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndezur nj\u00eb revolucion. Nj\u00eb grusht m\u00ebrgimtar\u00ebsh jan\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb pushtet, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, n\u00eb Iran; Ho Chi Minh, n\u00eb Vietnam; dhe Lenini, n\u00eb Rusi. Por pak prej tyre b\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshime pa ushtrin\u00eb n\u00eb shpin\u00eb, dhe akoma m\u00eb pak demokraci t\u00eb vendosura.<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya dhe ndihm\u00ebsit e saj jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur t\u00eb shmangin fatin e grupeve t\u00eb vendosura n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme p\u00ebrpara saj. \u201cNe nuk jemi nj\u00eb qeveri n\u00eb m\u00ebrgim<\/em>,\u201d tha ajo. Organizata e saj z\u00eb nj\u00eb kat t\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtese zyre n\u00eb Vilnius, me rreth tridhjet\u00eb punonj\u00ebs; Bjellorus\u00ebt e m\u00ebrguar nga Polonia, Ukraina dhe Lituania takohen rregullisht me stafin e saj. Ajo tha se ekipi i saj po p\u00ebrpiqej t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonte nj\u00eb opozit\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme brenda Bjellorusis\u00eb. Stafi i saj \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kontakt t\u00eb rregullt me \u200b\u200bdhjet\u00ebra persona; n\u00ebse, si\u00e7 presin shum\u00eb, Lukashenko th\u00ebrret nj\u00eb referendum mbar\u00ebkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr t\u00eb riafirmuar sundimin e tij, ata po flasin p\u00ebr organizimin e nj\u00eb fushate votash proteste. Aleat\u00ebt e literatur\u00ebs disidente t\u00eb Tsikhanouskaya qarkullojn\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb gazet\u00ebn e p\u00ebrjavshme Honest; t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nj\u00eb milion kopje jan\u00eb shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb n\u00eb Bjellorusi. Pash\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb n\u00eb shkall\u00ebt e nd\u00ebrtes\u00ebs ku q\u00ebndrova n\u00eb Minsk, t\u00eb mb\u00ebrthyer n\u00eb mur me fotot e flamurit t\u00eb vitit 1918.<\/p>\n

Ka kufij p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb l\u00ebvizja e Tsikhanouskaya mund t\u00eb arrij\u00eb nga larg. “N\u00ebse doni nj\u00eb pamje t\u00eb bukur – t\u00eb demonstratave, t\u00eb protestuesve – ne mund t’i th\u00ebrrasim njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb rrug\u00eb<\/em>,” tha ajo. “Por sa viktima do t\u00eb na kushtoj\u00eb?<\/em>” Megjithat\u00eb, shtoi ajo, edhe nj\u00eb regjim po aq represiv sa ai i Lukashenkos kishte mjete t\u00eb kufizuara n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar nj\u00eb popullsi, q\u00eb e kishte humbur tashm\u00eb. “Lukashenko nuk mund t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb arrestoj\u00eb m\u00eb njer\u00ebz<\/em>,” tha ajo. “Tani, kur ai arreston nj\u00eb person, dy t\u00eb tjer\u00eb ecin p\u00ebrpara<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Gazetari Igor Ilyash, nj\u00eb veteran i shum\u00eb ndalimeve policore, beson se qeveria e Lukashenkos ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrie. “Ajo mund ta mbaj\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e saj tani vet\u00ebm me dhun\u00eb<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha ai. “Historia tregon se \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuajse e pamundur t\u00eb vazhdohet me forc\u00eb dhe dhun\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb gjat\u00eb<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, p\u00ebrpjekjet e regjimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur kontrollin duket se thjesht tregojn\u00eb se sa pak fuqi ka. Pas protestave, shprehja “Rroft\u00eb Bjellorusia<\/em>” u ndalua. Por gjat\u00eb vizit\u00ebs sime d\u00ebgjova njer\u00ebz q\u00eb e th\u00ebrrisnin at\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, duke sinjalizuar besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre. N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, n\u00eb dy jav\u00eb n\u00eb Bjellorusi, pash\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb shfaqje publike t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes p\u00ebr regjimin: nj\u00eb burr\u00eb i mosh\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme, i veshur me pantallona t\u00eb shkurtra dhe k\u00ebpuc\u00eb kostumi, me sa duket i dehur, endej n\u00eb tryez\u00ebn time t\u00eb kafenes\u00eb n\u00eb Minsk. “Rroft\u00eb Lukashenko<\/em>,” tha ai, dhe m\u00eb pas volli dhe u largua.<\/p>\n

Shtylla m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Lukashenkos jan\u00eb forcat e siguris\u00eb. N\u00eb kulmin e protestave, disa oficer\u00eb dhan\u00eb dor\u00ebheqjen t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer; disa hodh\u00ebn uniformat e tyre n\u00eb plehra. Por kishte pak prova t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb dukshme t\u00eb mospajtimit. Aliaksandr Azarau, i cili deri dy vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb zyrtar i lart\u00eb n\u00eb Ministrin\u00eb e Brendshme, m\u00eb tha se polic\u00ebve u ishin dh\u00ebn\u00eb shp\u00ebrblime bujare p\u00ebr t\u00eb vazhduar. Institucioni \u00ebsht\u00eb ende kryesisht i paprekur, tha ai: “Shumica e njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb forcat e siguris\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb vendosur<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shtator, m\u00eb ftuan t\u00eb ulem n\u00eb nj\u00eb video-konferenc\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve lokal\u00eb brenda Bjellorusis\u00eb. Por, n\u00eb momentin e takimit, rreth nj\u00eb duzin\u00eb drejtuesish ishin arrestuar. T\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kishin ikur nga vendi; ata dyshonin se regjimi kishte vendosur nj\u00eb nishan mes tyre. “Njer\u00ebzit jan\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar<\/em>,” i tha Tsikhanouskaya nj\u00eb nga pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit n\u00eb telefonat\u00eb. “Ata po paketojn\u00eb valixhet e tyre<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Disa kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb t\u00eb Lukashenkos kan\u00eb tentuar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme. N\u00eb gjasht\u00eb muajt e fundit, zyrtar\u00ebt bjellorus\u00eb kan\u00eb arrestuar disa persona q\u00eb kishin kontrabanduar arm\u00eb n\u00eb vend, me shpres\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkaktuar nj\u00eb revolt\u00eb. Vadim Prokopiev, nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb m\u00ebrgim q\u00eb jeton n\u00eb Varshav\u00eb, m\u00eb tha se mendonte se qasja e matur e Tsikhanouskaya ishte e d\u00ebnuar. \u201cPo e shtyj dhe po e shtyj<\/em>\u201d, tha ai. “Por ata preferojn\u00eb t\u00eb flasin<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb zyrtar i lart\u00eb n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn e Biden-it m\u00eb tha se ishte e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb parashikohej nj\u00eb fund i hersh\u00ebm i regjimit t\u00eb Lukashenkos. N\u00eb korrik, Tsikhanouskaya vizitoi Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb; SHBA shtr\u00ebngoi sanksionet menj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb pas dhe e b\u00ebri k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri k\u00ebt\u00eb muaj. Por masat m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurta p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr Lukashenkon duket se do t\u00eb provokojn\u00eb nj\u00eb konfrontim rajonal. Putini nuk do t\u00eb heq\u00eb dor\u00eb nga ndikimi i tij n\u00eb Bjellorusi pa luft\u00eb. \u201cAjo duhet t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb p\u00ebr loj\u00ebn e gjat\u00eb<\/em>\u201d, tha zyrtari.<\/p>\n

Tsikhanouskaya tha se ajo nuk kishte d\u00ebshir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballej me Rusin\u00eb; ajo shpresonte se do t\u00eb ishte e mundur nj\u00eb akomodim. Megjithat\u00eb, ajo pranoi se ishte Evropa, jo Rusia, ajo q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ofronte nj\u00eb vizion p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e vendit: \u201cP\u00ebrvoja e Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb garantimin e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, nj\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsor t\u00eb pavarur dhe mediat e lira jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsie par\u00ebsore p\u00ebr t\u00eb ren\u00eb. Bjellorusia e rilindur.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Situata politike e b\u00ebn t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb mbledhjen e fondeve. Grupi i Tsikhanouskaya merr shum\u00eb pak para nga mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit n\u00eb Bjellorusi, ku qeveria ka gjurmuar donator\u00ebt dhe i ka futur n\u00eb burg. Iniciativat e ekipit mb\u00ebshteten nga NGO Per\u00ebndimore dhe nga kontribues privat\u00eb, kryesisht bjellorus\u00eb q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb vendit; qeveria lituaneze ofron gjithashtu siguri, hap\u00ebsir\u00eb \u200b\u200bp\u00ebr zyra dhe strehim. Por, n\u00ebse grupi pranon para direkt nga qeveria amerikane, rrezikon t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruhet n\u00eb Bjellorusi si nj\u00eb kukull e Per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n

Regjimi i Lukashenkos tashm\u00eb duket i vendosur p\u00ebr t\u00eb njollosur Tsikhanouskaya. N\u00eb korrik, Grigory Azarenok, nj\u00eb spikere n\u00eb televizionin shtet\u00ebror, e quajti at\u00eb nj\u00eb “lop\u00eb me mustaqe<\/em>” dhe nj\u00eb “grua e posht\u00ebr<\/em>” me “nj\u00eb er\u00eb t\u00eb keqe<\/em>“. P\u00ebr vizit\u00ebn e Tsikhanouskaya n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb, Azarenok tha: “Nj\u00eb \u00e7izme e till\u00eb l\u00ebpir\u00ebse, nj\u00eb serviliz\u00ebm i till\u00eb, nj\u00eb g\u00ebzim i till\u00eb<\/em>“. Ai preku n\u00eb skenat e bombardimeve n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat ai pretendoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb rreme se ishin shkaktuar nga amerikan\u00ebt – nj\u00eb prelud i asaj q\u00eb do t\u00eb sillnin p\u00ebrpjekjet e Tsikhanouskaya.<\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht nga shanset, opozita shprehu optimiz\u00ebm se Lukashenko nuk mund t\u00eb vazhdonte nj\u00eb shtypje kaq intensive pafund\u00ebsisht. “Kur ai t\u00eb filloj\u00eb t\u00eb reformohet, gjith\u00e7ka do t\u00eb zgjidhet<\/em>,” m\u00eb tha Franak Via\u010dorka, nj\u00eb k\u00ebshilltar politik. Gjeta nj\u00eb humor t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm optimist brenda Bjellorusis\u00eb, edhe pas val\u00ebve t\u00eb arrestimeve. Shum\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebrmend\u00ebn shembullin e Havelit, i cili ishte i burgosur politik gjasht\u00eb muaj para se t\u00eb b\u00ebhej President. Nd\u00ebr shpresat ishte Olga Kucherenko, kush\u00ebriri i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs, Raman Bandarenka ishte vrar\u00eb n\u00eb paraburgim nga policia. “Ne do t\u00eb fitojm\u00eb<\/em>,” tha ajo.<\/p>\n

Muajin e kaluar fola p\u00ebrs\u00ebri me Tsikhanouskaya. Kur e pyeta n\u00ebse mund ta imagjinonte veten duke luftuar kund\u00ebr regjimit t\u00eb Lukashenkos pes\u00eb vjet nga tani, ajo u t\u00ebrhoq. “Nuk mund ta imagjinoj k\u00ebt\u00eb<\/em>,” tha ajo. “Q\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e mi do t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb pes\u00eb vjet pa baban\u00eb e tyre – absolutisht jo<\/em>.”<\/p>\n

Lukashenko duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e nd\u00ebrprerjes s\u00eb protestave t\u00eb hapura, Tsikhanouskaya tha se ishte e pamundur t\u00eb parashikohej se sa mund t\u00eb q\u00ebndronte: “Mund t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb shum\u00eb – shum\u00eb muaj.<\/em>” Por ajo pohoi se administrata e tij ishte plagosur p\u00ebr vdekje, legjitimiteti i saj nuk mund t\u00eb riparohej. \u201cRegjimi \u00ebsht\u00eb plasaritur dhe \u00e7arja po zgjerohet. Brenda regjimit po ndodhin procese q\u00eb ne nuk i shohim dot<\/em>.\u201d Me opozit\u00ebn e mbyllur jasht\u00eb atdheut, goditja vendimtare mund t\u00eb vij\u00eb nga brenda. \u201cRegjimi \u00ebsht\u00eb bllokuar nga veprimet e veta \u2013 nuk ka mbetur askush p\u00ebr t\u00eb faj\u00ebsuar<\/em>,\u201d tha ajo. “Dikush brenda rrethit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm mund t\u00eb vendos\u00eb se ka ardhur koha<\/em>.” \u2666<\/p>\n

T\u00cb PREFERUARAT E NEW YORKER<\/h2>\n